External resources for the development of the vocabulary of the Turkic languages. The degree of study of the problem and the historical prerequisites for the penetration of the Turkic vocabulary into the Russian language

1.1 The degree of study of the problem and the historical background of the penetration of the Turkic vocabulary into the Russian language

The problem of the interaction of the Russian language with the Turkic languages ​​has so far been largely developed in terms of the impact of the Russian language on the Turkic languages ​​and, to a lesser extent, in terms of the reverse influence of the Turkic languages ​​on the Russian language. Although in the pre-October era this problem was of interest to some Türkologists and Slavists, who published their studies in the form of separate articles and etymological notes. The immediate tasks of studying this problem are the development of a methodology for the study of Türkisms in specific Slavic languages ​​and the compilation of national dictionaries of Türkisms.

What is meant by the word Turkism in Russian linguistics?

Türkisms are a word in any language borrowed from the Türkic languages. The Turkic languages ​​are a family of languages ​​spoken by numerous peoples and nationalities of Russia, Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, Mongolia, Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Albania. There are over 40 Turkic peoples in total. The total number of Turks is about 150 million. [BES. Linguistics. 1998: 527-529].

An important task of Russian linguistics is a comprehensive study of the Türkic elements in the Russian language, the study of which was usually carried out in terms of etymological research: the Türkisms were identified, the most probable Türkic languages ​​were identified, from which a particular word was borrowed, sometimes the time and ways of borrowing were indicated. But at the same time, as a rule, valuable information was not used, which can be obtained through a comparative study of the history of Turkism in two or more languages.

Considering the history of the use, the formation of the meanings of some Türkisms in the Russian language, researchers make an attempt to trace the functioning of a number of Türkisms as part of lexical-semantic groups.

The interaction of the Russian and Turkic languages ​​throughout the history of these peoples was so long and intense that it left deep traces in all areas of the vocabulary of these languages, in their phraseology and partly in phonetics and grammar. The study of the etymological structure of the Türkic languages ​​allows us to analyze the structure of the Türkisms of the Russian language. Research in other languages ​​is also involved here.

If in modern science there are already many special studies devoted to the analysis of Russianisms in the vocabulary, grammar and phonetics of the Turkic languages, then studies devoted to the analysis of Turkisms in Russian are still insufficient, although these studies seem to be very important. The penetration of elements of the Turkic languages ​​into the Russian language is extremely multifaceted, but so far it has not yet been fully investigated, especially with regard to vocabulary, grammar, phonetics and phraseology. There is too little research on the impact of the Turkic phonetic and grammatical structures on the phonetics and grammar of some dialects of the Russian language. Turkic borrowings in Russian word formation and phraseology have not been studied. Türkic lexical borrowings in the Russian dictionary are also studied insufficiently and unsystematically.

One of the least studied areas is anthroponymics. Research in the field of etymology in most cases is reduced to the construction of hypotheses, which are subjective to one degree or another. Noting the tasks of Slavists and Türkologists engaged in the research of Türkisms in the Russian language, N. K. Dmitriev wrote: “Since it is usually extremely difficult to obtain solid documentary materials on the history of Türkic words, if not simply impossible, scientific documentation is replaced by guesswork, observation, hypothesis ... The result is a kind of abstraction, like one of the possible solutions to some indefinite equation. Science here, as it were, turns into art ”[Dmitriev NK 1958, p.55].

However, the same scientist points out that there are still such objects for the study of Turkisms in the Russian language, which allow them to be studied in a certain context; to them he attributes the historical monuments "The Lay of Igor's Campaign", "Domostroy", etc., that is, monuments of a particular historical epoch.

The Türkic vocabulary in the "Lay" is closely related to the ancient Türkic languages ​​of Eastern Europe and reflects the characteristic phonetic, grammatical and lexical features of these ancient Türkic languages. For the study of the history of the peoples of Eastern Europe and Western Asia, their culture and ancient literary monuments, it is of great importance to analyze the past ties between peoples and a more complete disclosure of the laws that determine the interaction of their cultures and languages. The processes of interaction between the languages ​​of the Turkic and Slavic tribes and peoples who lived in this territory at the end of the 1st - the beginning of the 2nd millennium are of great interest. The interaction of the Slavic and Turkic languages ​​arose in ancient times. Already in the first centuries of our era, the Slavic tribes in Eastern Europe were in close contact with the first Turkic newcomers, who were successively included in the tribal unions of the Xiongnu (Huns), Sabirs, Khazars and Bulgars, and a little later - the Pechenegs, Uzov and Polovtsians [Dmitriev NK 1946g , p.243].

The Türkic tribes left noticeable traces in the vocabulary of the East Slavic languages: Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian - and also had some influence on their phraseology and grammar.

Ancient Russian written monuments - mainly chronicles and, to a lesser extent, works of art - preserved these anthroponyms, ethnonyms and toponyms of the ancient Turks of Eastern Europe, the study of which is of great interest to philologists, historians and ethnographers.

The processes of interaction between the Turkic and Slavic languages ​​took place in the following five main periods.

The first period (I-VIII centuries, before the formation of the ancient Russian state - Kievan Rus) is characterized by the interaction of Slavic dialects, on the one hand, with the dialects of the Iranian and Finnish tribes that were part of the tribal unions of the Xiongnu and Scythian-Sarmatians, and on the other, with the dialects of the Turkic tribes that are part of the tribal unions of the Xiongnu, Sabirs, Khazars and Bulgars, the rudiments of their languages ​​remained mainly in anthroponyms and ethnonyms.

The second period (IX-XII centuries, the formation of the Old Russian state - Kievan Rus) is characterized by closer ties and interaction of the Old Russian language, first with the languages ​​of the Turkic tribal unions of the Pechenegs, Oguz tribes of Uzes, Torks, Berendeys, Kovuyev, Kaepichi, Bo-Uts, etc. ., and somewhat later with the language of the Polovtsians, whose influence on the vocabulary of the Old Russian language was significant in the period following the Mongol invasion.

The third period (XIII-XV centuries, time after the Mongol invasion) is the period when the ancient Russian principalities were in vassal dependence on the Golden Horde, and the Old Russian language was significantly influenced by the Turkic dialects spread throughout the vast territory subject to the Golden Horde.

The fourth and fifth periods are characterized mainly by the reverse processes of the influence of the Russian language on the vocabulary of the Turkic languages, which were formed in their modern form, for the most part during these periods.

According to A.N. Baskakov, the general methodological remarks on the technique of etymological analysis of Türkisms in Russian should include only the absence in some dictionary entries of references to the source language of this Türkism (meaning Mongolian, Arabic and Iranian vocabulary that penetrated Russian through the Turkic languages), as well as indications of a specific Turkic language or a group of Turkic languages, from which this word penetrated into the Russian language [Baskakov N.А. 1985, p. 231]. In some articles devoted to Turkisms, there are also no references to the intermediary languages ​​through which this Turkism got into the Turkic languages, and to those through which it was later borrowed by the Russian language.

The stable traditions of Russian oriental studies presuppose that the most prominent orientalists turn to problems related to oriental studies and Russian history and philology. Turkologists were constantly interested in the etymologization of the Turkic and, in general, the Eastern lexical contribution to Russian and other Slavic languages.

As I.G. Dobrodomov, early works on the Türkic elements of the Russian dictionary belonged mainly to domestic Eastern Veda-philologists [Dmitriev NK 1946, p. 143]. While selecting and commenting mainly on the material from the oriental languages, which was of interest as a source for the definition of Russian words, they at the same time did not consider special issues of Russian philology: the history of oriental words on the Russian soil that had mastered them, in particular in Russian dialects and monuments of writing. Such orientalistic excursions usually fit into the framework of oriental philology. The only exceptions were the works of such general linguists who were fluent in the material of many languages, such as F.E.Korsh (1903), V.A. relying on the advice of historians of the Russian language and experts in ancient Russian writing, he deeply touched upon special issues of Russian philology.

It should be noted that Türkisms are subdivided into three groups: 1) Türkisms, confirmed by facts;

2) Turkisms requiring additional documentation;

3) words ranked among the Turkisms in the order of hypothesis, the latter can be subdivided into the following varieties:

A) a comparison, quite admissible, which needs historical documentation in order to become a reliable scientific truth;

B) comparison, which requires additional materials on the merits;

C) comparison, which is put in the order of the question [Turkology on the eve of the 21st century: Achievements, state, prospects. Proceedings of the International Congress. T1, 2004, p. 12 ].

Many Türkisms of the Russian language are still poorly studied and still need the attention of specialists at the level of modern requirements, as well as for the detailed development of those ideas of Türkology that are only outlined in it. They require the attention of specialists in the historical lexicology of the respective languages. The study of the history of Türkisms on Russian soil is capable of making very significant adjustments to etymological research.



Common lexical elements of the Turkic and Armenian, Greek and Latin languages.


If we talk about the Türkic-Indo-European lexical correspondences, then in many respects this area of ​​linguistics remains largely unexplored. The results of studies carried out by the graphic-analytical method allow looking at the relationship between the Indo-European and Turkic languages ​​from a new perspective. The work proposed here is only the first step of such an approach and, of course, some part of the given Türkic-Indo-European correspondences is accidental. But the author considered it his duty to cite doubtful cases as well, for it is better to take into consideration all the possibilities than to immediately discard anything interesting or even important. Over time, when there are other explanations for individual matches, they will be removed from the list. It should be borne in mind that the list was compiled only to confirm the European ancestral home of the Türks and is not an etymological reference book. Unfortunately, there are many such "critics" who, having seen one or two erroneous cases, immediately cross out the entire list. This is the logic of the "Stone Age", but, oddly enough, it is quite widespread in our time.

Undoubtedly, in the Türkic and Indo-European languages ​​there is a certain number of roots, which can be attributed to the times when the ancient ancestors of the Türks and Indo-Europeans inhabited neighboring areas in the interfluve of the Kura and Araks rivers in Transcaucasia.

Contacts between the ancient Turks and the ancient Indo-Europeans continued after the resettlement of both ethnic groups from Transcaucasia to Eastern Europe. The closest neighbors of the Turks in Eastern Europe were the proto-Armenians. Accordingly, quite a lot of words of Turkic origin were found in the Armenian language, although, obviously, not all of them. Through the ancient Armenian part of the Türkic words even got into the ancient Greek. Below are the Türkisms in the Armenian language, which sometimes have correspondences in Greek and Latin.


arm. ałtiur“Damp lowland, meadow, swamp” - tur., Tat., Karach., Balk. alt“Bottom”, “bottom”, etc.

arm. aŕu“Channel” - schedule. Turk. aryk“Aryk”.

arm. acux"Coal" - cn. Turk. o: ž "ak“Oven” (Chuv. vučax, tour. ocak and others), in addition, Turkm. čog, tour. şövg, Kaz. šok, uzb. čůg"Hot coals", etc.

arm. alap 'aŕnem“To rob” - Chuv. ulap"Giant", D.-Türk. alp, tat alyp and others “hero, hero”, tour. alp"Hero", "brave".

arm. alik ’“Wave”, “shaft” (another meaning is “gray beard, gray hair”, Gyubshman connects both meanings, which is unconvincing), gr. αλοζ "furrow" - round. oluk, eider. xolluk, Chuv. valak“Gutter” karach., Bulk. uuaq"wavy".

arm. antaŕ“Forest” - eider. andyz“Bush, grove”, round. andız"elecampane". There are also similar words in other Turkic languages, but they all mean different plants. Only in Armenian and Gagauz do they mean "forest".

arm. atkhi"Leg" - commonly. Turk. ajaq/adaq"leg".

arm. garš-i-m“To disdain, to disdain” - Turkm. garšy, eider. karšy, tour. karşi, Chuv. xirěs"against".

arm. gjuł“Village” - eider. küü"village"

arm. goř"Lamb" - dec. Turk. gozy / qozy"lamb".

arm. hełg"Lazy" - commonly. Turk. jalta / jalka"Lazy" (karach., Bulk. jalk, Chuv. julxav, tat. jalkau, Kaz. žalkau and etc.)

arm. ji, gr. ιπποσ "horse", lat. equa, room. iapa"Mare" - commonly. Turk. jaby, jabu"Horse", Turkm. jaby, Chuv. jupax... In Armenian, in the intervocal position, the sound R disappears. Hubschman connects arm. word with skr. haya“Horse”, phonetically far away.

arm. kamar"Vault", gr. καμαρα "vaulted room", lat. camurus"Curved, vaulted", camerare"Form a vault" - tour. kubur“Case, pipe”, Uzbek. dial. qumur, Kaz. dial. quvyr“Stove pipe”. Obviously, Turkish words are derived from köpür“Bridge” (see below).

arm. kamurj ’"Bridge", gr. γαφυρα “dam, bridge” - commonly. Turk. köpür"Bridge" (Chuv. kěper, karach., balk. köpür, tat. küper and etc.). Sir Gerard Clawson suggests the origin of the Turkic word from the root köp-"Foam, boil", which is completely unconvincing. Perhaps this also includes Armenian, Greek and other Indo-European words meaning “goat” (lat. caper, celt. caer, gabor and others) Later, in some Germanic languages, words appeared with a meaning close to the meaning of a bridge, but already borrowed from Latin (Hol. keper, it. Käpfer"Beam head", etc.)

arm. sta-na-m“To buy” - Chuv. sut"Sell" tour. satın“Purchase”, bulk., Karach. satyb“Purchase”, etc.

arm. šeł"Oblique", gr. σκολιοσ "curve" - ​​Chuv. čalaš"Bevel, slope", tat. čulak, tour. çalık"crooked".

arm. tal, gr. γαλωσ, lat. glos“Daughter-in-law” is a Turk. gelin"Daughter-in-law".

arm. tarap '"Downpour" - Chuv. tapăr"Watering place".

arm. tełi“Place” - Chuv. těl"a place".

arm. t "uk""Saliva" - Turkm. tüjkülik, karach., balk. tükürük"Saliva", eider. tükürmää"Spit", etc.

arm. thošel“To fly” is a Turk. düš- "fall".


Not all Türkisms have survived in the Armenian language, and some have not yet been discovered, therefore there is a group of Türkic roots present only in the Greek language. There is no doubt that for some of them, over time, correspondences can be found in Armenian as well. A separate group among the Greek-Turkic lexical correspondences are the Greek-Chuvash ones, which occur from a later time. The ancient Bulgars, staying in the Black Sea region for a long time, borrowed a certain number of words from Greek, but for them Armenian correspondences are not necessary. They are filed on the same list.

gr. αγροσ, lat. ager, it. Acker“Field” - Türk. ek-(Chuv. ak, akăr) "Sow". Frisk considers Indo-European words to be borrowed.

gr. αιτεω “to ask, to demand” - Chuv. vitěn"Beg", round. ötünmek"to ask, to bother", D. Türk. ajit- “ask”, etc. Frisk does not give a reliable etymology of the word.

gr. ακακια, lat. acacia; "Acacia" - commonly. Turk. agač"wood". Frisk considers the Greek word "alien".

gr. αλφι “barley”, αλφη “barley groats” - commonly. Turk. arpa"barley".

gr. αμα "medicine" - commonly. Turk. em-“Medicine, to treat” (Turkm., Gag., Tur. em).

gr. αραχνη, lat. araneus"spider" - Chuv. erešmen, eider. örümžäk, az. hörümčək"Spider". Frisk becomes possible kinship with αρκυσ "network", which does not have a reliable etymology.

gr. αρμα, "cart" - spread. Turk. araba, arba"cart".

gr. αρωμα "smell" - Türkic. aram / erem(Chuv. erĕm) "wormwood". See also Chuv. armuti... Frisk marks the word as "inexplicable."

gr. αρσην “person” - Chuv. arçyn"Human". There are identical, according to Frisk, Iranian words Av., Old Pers. aršan-, a similar word is also found in Armenian - aŕn(from ancient arsn). However, judging by the phonetics, the Chuvash word was borrowed from Greek.

gr. αρταω “to hang, to hang” - Chuv. urtăn"Hang", tour. tat., kaz. art- "hang", etc. Frisk considers the Greek word to be derived from αειρω, which is doubtful. This is a borrowing from Turkic.

gr. αταλοσ "young" - Chuv. atalan"develop".

gr. δεω “to connect” - commonly. Turk. düv- "knot" (Turkm. düvün, Chuv. těvě and etc.). Frisk connects the Greek word with Old Ind. ditá- "connected".

gr. ηθμοσ “sieve, sieve” - Chuv. atma“Net for catching fish, birds”. Frisk does not give a reliable etymology to the Greek word, but it comes from ηθεω "to sift through a sieve." Obviously the Chuvash word is borrowed from Greek.

gr. κηλη "tumor" - Chuv. kěle"heel"

gr. κηλησισ “enchanting power” - Chuv. kělě “prayer”. Questionable parallel.

gr. κηροσ “wax, honeycomb” - Chuv. karas"Honeycomb". The source of the borrowing in Chuvash is unknown, since the root of the word is of Indo-European origin and is present in many languages.

gr. κορβανοσ "temple treasury" - Chuv. kărman"body".

gr. κορωνη "any curved object" - Chuv. xuran"cauldron, cauldron".

gr. λακκοσ, lat. lacus, irl. loch and others “pit, puddle, lake” - Chuv. lakăm"pit",

gr. λισγαριον (λισγοσ) “hoe” - Crimean Tat. ülüskär, Kaz. lesker"Hoe". Frisk does not find a reliable explanation for the word.

gr. λάτρις "servant", λατρεύς "servant", lat. latro 1. "servant". 2. "robber", OE loddere"beggar", D.-V.-N. lotar"empty, vain", it. Lotterbube"lodar" - Chuv. lutra"short".

gr. μηκον "poppy" - Chuv. măkăn ’"poppy".

gr. μηλον “small livestock, sheep” - commonly. Turk. mal"livestock, property".

gr. μονασ “proud” - Chuv. mănas"lonely".

gr. μόσσυν “wooden tower” - Chuv. maš"tower".

gr. παλτον "spear, dart" - commonly. Turk. balta"axe".

gr. παστη “dough” - karach., bulk. basta"porridge".

gr. πυργοσ "tower", lat. burgus“Castle, tower” - D. Türk. barq“House, building”, Chuv. purak"(Cylindrical) box", germ. * burg(it. Burg“Burg, city), alb. burg"jail". Frisk considers it possible to borrow the Greek word from the Germanic ones. Obviously, this root can be attributed to the word widespread in many languages barrack of unclear origin.

gr. πυροσ "wheat", lit. pūraĩ"winter wheat", rus. wheatgrass- Chuv. pări Spelled. The word is of Indo-European origin. The source of borrowing into Chuvash is unknown.

gr. σακκοσ "bag", lat. saccus"Bag" - Chuv. sak“Versha”, Ukrainian, Russian, sak"Fishing tackle in the form of a bag" and other Slavic words of this type.

gr. σαρδινη “herring” - Chuv. çărtan"Pike".

gr. θαλασσα “sea” - dist. Turk. talaj, talaš"sea".

gr. υλη “forest” - Chuv. ulăx"water meadow".

gr. φιλεω “to love” - Chuv. pĕl“Know, be able to, pay attention, feel”. ”.

gr. χαρτησ "papyrus map", lat. carta “paper, sheet” - Chuv. xărta"Patch". Frisk marks the word as of obscure origin.

gr. χολη “bile” - Chuv. xăla“Dunny” (light yellow). The word is of Indo-European origin, but the Greek form is closest to the Chuvash one.

gr. χορτοσ "corral, hedge", lat. hortus“Garden”, germ. gardon“Garden” - Chuv. karta“Hedge, fence”.


From the third millennium BC. some of the ancient Turks, known as carriers of the battle axes and corded pottery culture, moved to the right bank of the Dnieper and further to Central Europe. We do not know how many and which of the Turkic tribes crossed the Dnieper. It is only known for certain that most of them were assimilated among the Indo-Europeans and pre-Indo-European aborigines. Only one Turkic tribe, namely the tribe of the ancient Bulgars, retained its ethnic identity. The first, with whom the Turks entered into linguistic contact on the Right Bank, were the carriers of the Trypillian culture. Obviously, some words from the Trypillian language have been preserved in the language of the modern Chuvashes, who are descendants of the ancient Bulgars. In addition, the ancient Bulgars should have had contacts with the Italians and Illyrians at that time. The found lexical parallelisms in the Latin and Chuvash languages ​​have been occurring since that time. Naturally, in the above examples, there are most of the Chuvash words:

lat. abbas“Abbot” - Chuv. apās"priest". In the etymological dictionary of the Latin language ( Walde A.1965). this word is not considered and is considered to be borrowed through Greek from Aramaic ( abbā"father"), At first this word was supposedly used in prayers in the meaning of "my father" ( Kluge friedrich... 1989, 7). However, Chuv. apăs"priest", which comes from the ancient Turkic word for close relatives, including the father ( aba/apa), as a source of borrowing should have an advantage, for when borrowing from Aramaic and using in prayers the word abbās should have been used when referring to God and not to His servants.

lat. alga"Seaweed", Norv. dial. ulka“Tina” - Chuv. jălma“Mud, silt, slime”. Kornilov also parallels Chuv. jylxa"duct".

lat. amicuc"friend", amō“I love” - Chuv. dial. ami"Friend", "brother". The Latin word is considered to be borrowed from an unknown language (W.);

lat. arca“Box” - Chuv. arča"box". Latin word comes from arceō“I close”, akin to the Greek αρκεω “I save” (W.);

lat. artemisia“Wormwood” - Chuv. armuti"sagebrush". Him. Wermut"Wormwood" is also here. This word is not considered in the etymological dictionary of the Latin language.

lat. cama“Short board, plank beds, shelf” - Chuv. khăma"board". The Latin word is considered to be borrowed from Celtoiberian. (W.);

lat. candēre"to be red-hot", c. κανδαροσ "hot coals, heat" and others. - Chuv. kǎntǎr"noon, south".

lat. casa“House, hut” - Chuv. kasă“Street”, previously meant “settlement”. The Latin word belongs to the words of the common root kat- with the meaning “house”;

lat. caudex, cōdex“Trunk, stump” - Turkish, eider. kütük“Trunk, stump”. It is believed that the Latin word is derived from cūdere“Beat” (W.);

lat. cicuta"Tsikuta" - Chuv. kiken"hellebore". Both plants are poisonous. The Latin word has no convincing i.-e. parallels (W.);

lat. citare"give movement" cito"fast" - Chuv. xytă"strong", "fast", karach., bulk. qaty"quick";

lat. Cocles, literally, “crooked, one-eyed” - Chuv. kuklek“Crooked” / Latin word has no reliable etymology, possibly borrowed from Greek (W.);

lat. cupa“Bucket, barrel” - turk., Turk. kova, chag. qopa and other similar "buckets". Indo-European words of this meaning do not quite match phonetically (see W.);

lat. cura“Care” - Chuv. xural"security". The connections of the Latin word are doubtful (see W.);

lat. delirium"Delirium" - feeling tilěr, tat. tile"crazy". The Latin word has no etymology (W.);

lat. fàbula"Gossip" - Chuv. pavra“Chat, talk”. The Latin word has no close parallels in the Indo-European languages, but it is believed that it comes from I.-E. * bha- “to speak” (W.);

lat. * falterna plant of the Kirkazonov family ( Aristolochia) - Chuv. věltěren"Nettle" ( Urtica gen) - Latin word restored by Meyer-Lübcke based on French fauterne and Old Provencal fauterna with the note "Woher?" (where?). It is possible to assume the ancient Bulgarian origin of the word;

lat. farnus"Ash" - Chuv. věrene"maple". The alleged Etruscan origin of the word is unfounded (W.);

lat. faux“Throat” - eider. buaz Kirg. buvaz, tur., kaz., karach., balk. boğaz and others “throat, pharynx”. There are no reliable parallels to the Latin word in Indo-European languages ​​(W.);

lat. felix"fertile" - Chuv. pulǎx"fertility";

lat. finis"end, limit" - Chuv. pinĕš"thousand";

lat. homo“Man, man, husband” - the word borrowed from the Italians was later lost by the ancestors of the Chuvash, but its traces were preserved in the second part of Chuv. păjaxam"Brother-in-law". The first part of the word meant "sister." It is also lost in Chuvash, but is present in other closely related Turkic languages: Turkm. bajy, “Husband's sister”, tour. bacı"sister". In general, the word stands for “sister's husband,” but brother-in-law is the husband's brother. This discrepancy is explained by the fact that the relationship of kinship of the same person can be different depending on the side of kinship, which often leads to a change in the meaning of the same word. xǎrxǎm"slave", which can be translated as "cowardly man" ( xǎra"cowardly").

lat. ius, iuris 1. right - Chuv. jărăs"Direct", round. yasa“Law, statute”, karach. džoruq“Law”, etc. The assignment of the Latin word to the Indo-Aryan words with the meaning “healthy, sacred” (Old Ind. Voh) is very doubtful (Div. W).

lat. ius, iuris 2. soup, ukha - chuv. jaška- the general name of the first courses, juškăň"Silt, tina". The assignment of the Latin word to the i.-е root iūs “to multiply” looks doubtful (see W.)

lat. lacūna“Swamp, deepening, failure” - Chuv. lacam"pit". The Latin word refers to the i.-e root * lacu“Wet lowland” (W.)

lat. lama"Swamp" - Chuv. lăm“Moisture, dampness”. The Latin word is associated with ltsh. lāma“Low place, puddle”, lit. lama“Low place in the field”, bulg. scrap "pit, cellar" (W.)

lat. mel“Honey” - Turkic. ba: l“Honey” is presented in the Gagauz, Turkish, Kazakh, Uzbek, Kyrgyz and other languages. Sir Gerard Clauson writes in his work: “It is generally accepted that this word (Turkic - V.S.) is a very early borrowing from some Indo-European language, which can be dated to the period when m was unacceptable at the beginning of a word and therefore was replaced by b ... The closest parallel is lat. mel; Sanskrit form - madhu» ( Clauson gerard, 1972, 330). However, the Sanskrit form belongs to the Indo-European root * medhu(see Pokorny). Gr. μελι "honey" and other similar words found in Germanic, Celtic, Armenian are the best matches, but the origin of this word is difficult to determine.

lat. mūtāre"change, change" - Chuv. mutala"confuse, confuse"

lat. noxa"losses, harm" - Chuv. nuša"misfortune, misfortune".

lat. ordo"Row", "order", "order of battle", "detachment" - commonly. Turkic orda"Army" (turkm., Kaz. orda, Chuv. urta tour., az. ordu and others) The Latin word can be attributed to I.-E. * ar- “connect, define”. In this case, it is an ancient Nostratic root.

lat. pandura"three-stringed lute" - Chuv. păntăr-păntăr- imitation of strumming, strumming, păntărtat- 1. strum, strum, make strumming, strumming sounds ( about string instruments), 2. crackle, rumble ( about the drum)

lat. publikare“Publish” - Chuv. puple“Interpret, talk, talk”.

lat. pudis"Louse" - commonly. Turk. bit"Louse" (Chuv. pyjta, the rest - bit / pit). This word is not considered in the etymological dictionary of the Latin language.

lat. pūris“Pus” - Chuv. pür"pus". A word of Indo-European origin (* pu- “to rot”);

lat. quattuar“Four” - Chuv tăvattă“Four” in this form is borrowed from the Italics (in other Turkic languages ​​- dört/tört).

lat. Roma"Rome" - Chuv. uram, car. oram"Street". The origin of the name of the city from “Asia Minor” is not excluded * rōme"village". As you know, Rome developed from one street (see W.);

lat. saliva"Saliva" - most likely borrowed from the Türkic (Chuv. sěleke, Turkm. selki, tat. silegej etc. “saliva”), and not related to Celtic words of distant meaning and form (eg. sail). See W .;

lat. sapa"Juice", North German. safe and other similar Germanic “juice - Chuv. săpăkh"Trickle down". Indo-European words do not have a satisfactory etymology (see W.);

lat. sāpa, -ōne, eng. soap, it. Seife and others similar germ. “Soap” - Chuv. supăn"soap".

lat. sarda, sardina“Different types of fish” - Chuv. çărtan"Pike";

lat. scopula“Broom” - Chuv. šăpăr“Broom, broom”;

lat. sĕrra"Saw" - Chuv. sĕr“Rub, saw”.

lat. sollicitare"Shake" - commonly. Turk. (Chuv. sille, Turkm. selkildemek, tour. silkmek and others “shake”). It is believed that the Latin word comes from ciēre “to move, force, excite” (W.), which is phonetically faulty.

lat. taberna"Tavern" - Chuv. tăvar"salt". As noted in previous works ( Stetsyuk Valentin, 1998, 57), for the Bulgars salt was the main export item and therefore acquired the meaning of “commodity”. In Armenian tavar means "sheep" and "flock of sheep", in the Turkic languages ​​they correspond to tuuar“Herd”, tour. tavar"Property", "cattle", balkar., Cr. tat. t u'ar"The same" In many Iranian languages ​​there are words tabar / teber / tevir"Ax", while in the Finno-Ugric words of this root have the meaning "fabric" (Sam. tavar, Mar tuvir, hunt. tàgar). These are all things that have been exchanged and traded. Latin word * taber of unknown value disappeared, but the derivative remained taberna whose origin is derived from trabs“Beam, bar”, which is unconvincing. Similarly, borrowing from the Etruscan language (W.)

lat. (sabinskoe) teba"Hill, slide" - commonly. Turk. (Chuv. tüpe, tour. tepe, Kaz. töbe and others "mountain, peak").

lat. tergus“Ass” - Chuv. tĕrke“Knot, skein, armful”.

lat. tortus"Winding, twisted" - Chuv. tărta"To build, to pave a nest". The Latin word has no reliable etymology (W.)

lat. torus"Elevation" - Chuv. tără"vertex". In the etymological dictionary of the Latin language, the word in this sense is not considered (W.)

lat. tuba"Pipe" - Chuv. tupă"a gun".

lat. tunica“Type of clothing” - Chuv. tum“Dress, cover”.

lat. ūsus, ūtor“Benefit, use, custom” - Chuv. usă"benefit". Indo-European parallels to the numerous Latin words of this root are questionable (W.)

lat. vacca“Cow” - Chuv. văkăr"bull". There is a word in the Ukrainian language wakar“Cattle shepherd”. It is considered to be borrowed from the Romanian văkar “the same”, which comes from lat. * vacarius associated with lat. vacca (Melnichuk O.S. 1982, 321). Lat. vacca contacts OE. vasa "cowhide" (W.);

lat. vallis“Valley” - Chuv. valak"Gutter".

lat. vapor“Steam, smoke, fire” - Chuv. Vupăr"Unclean spirit."

lat. vetare“Not allow, forbid, contradict” - Chuv. vit“Cover, protect, dominate”.

lat. villa“Country house” - Chuv. vělle"hive".

lat. virga“Branch, twig” without correspondences in other Indo-European languages ​​(see W.) - Old Türk. bergä“Rod, rod, whip”, khakkani, Uyghur berge"whip". Gerard Clauson writes: virga‘Rod, stick’ adopted through Middle Persian, but no trace of this word in Persian is visible, and the theory is unfounded ”( Clauson gerard, 1972, 363). This also includes Hungarian. virgácz“Rod, rod”, borrowing from Latin is doubtful. In this case, Hungarian can be compared to them. virgone"Agile, nimble, lively", to which there is a correspondence in the Chuvash - virkěn"rush". Obviously, this is a wandering word, traces of which in different but close meanings can be found in many languages ​​(for example, Erzya verka“Fast”, rus. tag and other similar Slavic ones with the meanings “twig”, “earring of a tree”, etc., German. Birke and other similar Germanic "birch", Hung. virag“Flowers”, marie vurgo"stem", Kurd. wurg"alive"). If the carriers of the Trypillian culture were Semites, then the fundamental principle of all these words may be a word close to ar. firh and other Heb. perax"flower". Then lat. virgō The “virgin” of unknown origin (W.) should be included here (cf. “defloration”).

lat. vulgus, volgō, vulgus"People", "herd", "crowd", lat vulgaris“Ordinary, simple” - Chuv. pulkkă“Herd”, “flock”, “crowd”, Bulgars- the name of one of the Turkic tribes, German. Volk, eng. folk, "people", other ind. vargah"group", a few Celtic words and an ethnonym wolves also belong here (W.)


Literature


Melnichuk O.S. (Ed.) 1982-1989 -. Etymological vocabulary of the Ukrainian language. Kiev.

Nadelyaev V.M., Nasilov D.M., Tenishev E.R., Shcherbak A.M. 1969. Ancient Türkic dictionary. Leningrad.

Vasmer Max. 1964-1974. Etymological dictionary of the Russian language. Moscow. "Progress".

Clauson Gerard, Sir (1972). An Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish. Oxford.

Frisk H. (1970). Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.

Hübschman Heinrich (1972). Armenische Grammatik. Erster Teil. Etymologie. Hidelsheim - New York.

Kluge Friedrich (1989). Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache. Berlin - New York.

Meyer-Lübke W. (1992). Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.

Pokorny J. (1949-1959). Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Bern.

(W.) - Walde A. (1965). Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg.

Modern Turkic languages

General information. Name variations. Genealogical information. Spreading. Linguo-geographic information. General dialect composition. Sociolinguistic information. Communicative and functional status and rank of the language. The degree of standardization. Educational and pedagogical status. Writing type. Brief periodization of the history of the language. Intrastructural phenomena due to external language contacts.

Turkey - 55 million
Iran - 15 to 35 million
Uzbekistan - 27 million
Russia - 11 to 16 million
Kazakhstan - 12 million
PRC - 11 million
Azerbaijan - 9 million
Turkmenistan - 5 million
Germany - 5 million
Kyrgyzstan - 5 million
Caucasus (without Azerbaijan) - 2 million
EU - 2 million (excluding UK, Germany and France)
Iraq - from 500 thousand to 3 million
Tajikistan - 1 million
USA - 1 million
Mongolia - 100 thousand
Australia - 60 thousand
Latin America (excluding Brazil and Argentina) - 8 thousand
France - 600 thousand
Great Britain - 50 thousand
Ukraine and Belarus - 350 thous.
Moldova - 147,500 (Gagauz)
Canada - 20 thousand
Argentina - 1,000
Japan - 1,000
Brazil - 1,000
Rest of the world - 1.4 million

DISTRIBUTION OF TURKISH LANGUAGES


Turkic languages- a family of related languages ​​of the alleged Altai macrofamily, widespread in Asia and Eastern Europe. The area of ​​distribution of the Turkic languages ​​stretches from the basin of the Kolyma River in Siberia to the southwest to the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea. The total number of speakers is more than 167.4 million people.

The area of ​​distribution of the Turkic languages ​​extends from the basin
R. Lena in Siberia southwest to the eastern Mediterranean coast.
In the north, the Turkic languages ​​are in contact with the Uralic languages, in the east with the Tungus-Manchu, Mongolian and Chinese languages. In the south, the area of ​​distribution of the Turkic languages ​​comes into contact with the area of ​​distribution of Iranian, Semitic, and in the west - with the area of ​​distribution of Slavic and some other Indo-European (Greek, Albanian, Romanian) languages. The bulk of the Turkic-speaking peoples of the former Soviet Union live in the Caucasus, the Black Sea region, the Volga region, Central Asia, Siberia (western and eastern). Karaites, Crimean Tatars, Krymchaks, Urum and Gagauz live in the western regions of Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and in the south of Moldova.
The second area of ​​settlement of the Turkic-speaking peoples is associated with the territory of the Caucasus, where Azerbaijanis, Kumyks, Karachais, Balkars, Nogais and Trukhmen (Stavropol Turkmens) live.
The third geographical area of ​​settlement of the Turkic peoples is the Volga region and the Urals, where Tatars, Bashkirs and Chuvashs are represented.
The fourth Turkic-speaking area is the territory of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, where Uzbeks, Uighurs, Kazakhs, Karakalpaks, Turkmens, Kirghiz live. The Uyghurs are the second largest Turkic-speaking nation outside the CIS. They constitute the main population of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of the PRC. In China, along with the Uighurs, there are Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Tatars, Salars, Saryg-Yugurs.

The fifth Turkic-speaking area is represented by the Turkic peoples of Siberia. In addition to the West Siberian Tatars, this zonal group is made up of Yakuts and Dolgans, Tuvans and Tofalars, Khakases, Shors, Chulyms, Altai. Outside the former Soviet Union, the bulk of the Turkic-speaking peoples live in Asia and Europe. The first place in terms of number is occupied by
Turks. Turks live in Turkey (over 60 million people), Cyprus, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Romania, France, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, Belgium, Switzerland. In total, over 3 million Turks live in Europe.

Based on the current geographical distribution, all modern Turkic peoples are divided into four areal-regional groups. Areal-regional distribution (from west to east) of modern Turkic languages: Group I - South Caucasus and Western Asia - 120 million people: (South - Western Turkic languages ​​- Azerbaijani, Turkish); Group II - North Caucasus, Eastern Europe - 20 million people: (Northwestern Turkic languages ​​- Kumyk, Karachai - Balkar, Nogai, Crimean Tatar, Gagauz, Karaite, Tatar, Bashkir, Chuvash): III group - Central Asia - 60 million people: (southeastern Turkic languages ​​- Turkmen, Uzbek, Uyghur, Karakalpak, Kazakh, Kyrgyz); Group IV - Western Siberia - 1 million people: (North-Eastern Turkic languages ​​- Altai, Shor, Khakass, Tuvan, Tofalar, Yakut). The cultural vocabulary of modern Turkic languages ​​will be examined by me in five semantic groups: flora, fauna, climate, landscape and economic activity. The analyzed vocabulary is divided into three groups: common Turkic, areal and borrowed. Common Türkic are words that are recorded in ancient and medieval monuments, and also have parallels in most modern Türkic languages. Areal-regional vocabulary - words known to one or several modern Turkic peoples living in one common or adjacent territories. Borrowed vocabulary - Turkic words of foreign origin. The vocabulary of the language reflects and preserves national specifics, however, all languages ​​have borrowings to some extent. As you know, foreign language borrowings occupy an important place in the replenishment and enrichment of the vocabulary of any language.

Tatars and Gagauz also live in Romania, Bulgaria, Macedonia. The share of the Turkic-speaking peoples in Iran is large. Along with the Azerbaijanis, there are also Turkmens, Qashqays and Afshars. Turkmens live in Iraq. In Afghanistan there are Turkmen, Karakalpaks, Kazakhs, Uzbeks. Kazakhs and Tuvans live in Mongolia.

Scientific discussions on the belonging and correlation of languages ​​and their dialects within the Turkic languages ​​do not cease. For example, in his classic fundamental scientific work "Dialect of West Siberian Tatars" (1963) G. Kh. Akhatov presented materials on the territorial settlement of the Tobol-Irtysh Tatars in the Tyumen and Omsk regions. Having subjected the phonetic system, lexical composition and grammatical structure to a comprehensive complex analysis, the scientist came to the conclusion that the language of the Siberian Tatars is one independent dialect, it is not divided into dialects and is one of the most ancient Turkic languages. However, initially V. A. Bogoroditsky language of the Siberian Tatars belonged to the Western Siberian group of Turkic languages, to which he also attributed the Chulym, Baraba, Tobolsk, Ishim, Tyumen and Turin Tatars.

Problems

Drawing borders within many Turkic, especially the smallest, associations is difficult:

Differentiation of language and dialect is difficult - in fact, the Turkic languages ​​at all stages of division reveal the situation of a diasystem, dialect continuum, linguistic cluster and / or linguistic complex, at the same time, there are various ethnolects that are interpreted as independent languages;

· Are described as dialects of one language belonging to different subgroups of idioms (Turkic mixed languages).

For some classification units - historical and modern - there is very little reliable information. Thus, practically nothing is known about the historical languages ​​of the Ogur subgroup. About the Khazar language it is assumed that it was close to the Chuvash language - see Linguistic Encyclopedic Dictionary, M. 1990 - and to the Bulgar itself. The information is based on the testimony of the Arab authors al-Istakhri and Ibn-Haukal, who noted the similarity of the Bulgar and Khazar languages ​​on the one hand, and the dissimilarity of the Khazar language to the dialects of the other Türks, on the other. The belonging of the Pechenezh language to the Oghuz is assumed on the basis, first of all, of the ethnonym itself Pechenegs, compared with the Oguz designation brother-in-law baʤanaq... Of the modern, little-described are Syrian-Turkmen, local dialects of Nogai and especially eastern Turkic, Fuyui-Kyrgyz, for example.

The question of the relationship between the distinguished groups of the Turkic branch proper remains ambiguous, including the relationship between modern languages ​​and the languages ​​of runic monuments.

Some languages ​​have been discovered relatively recently (Fuyui-Kyrgyz, for example). The Khalaj language was discovered by G. Dörfer in the 1970s. and identified in 1987 with the aforementioned his predecessors (Baskakov, Melioransky, etc.) arg.

It is also worth mentioning the topics of discussion that arose due to the mistakes made:

· Disputes about the genetic affiliation of the ancient Bulgarian language: the discussion is initially meaningless, since the language that became the basis of the modern Chuvash belongs to the ancient Ogur branch, and the literary language of the Tatars and Bashkirs is historically a regional variant of the Turkic language;

· Identification of the Gagauz language (including its archaic Balkan version) with the Pechenezh language: the Pechenezh language completely died out by the Middle Ages, while the modern Gagauz language, in essence, is nothing more than a continuation of the Balkan dialects of the Turkish language;

· Assignment of the Salar language to the Sayan; The Salar language, of course, is Oghuz, but as a result of contacts it has many borrowings from the Siberian area, including the features of consonantism and the word adığ instead of aju"bear" and jalaŋadax"barefoot" on a par with the original ajax"leg" (cf. tat. "yalanayak");

· The reckoning of the Saryg-Yugur language to the Karluk language (including the interpretation as a dialect of the Uyghur) - the similarity is the result of linguistic contacts;

· Mixing of various idioms, for example, Kumandin and Tubalar, Middle Chulym and Lower Chulym dialects when describing the so-called Kyuerik and Ketsik dialects or historical Orkhon-Uighur and Old Uigur.

Dolgan / Yakut

Altai / Teleut / Telengin / Chalkan (Kuu, Lebedinsky)

Altai-Oyrotsky

Tofalar - Karagas

information from the book by A. N. Kononov "History of the study of Turkic languages ​​in Russia. Pre-October period" (Second edition, supplemented and revised, Leningrad, 1982). The list shows that languages ​​are also called those that have a long history (Turkish, Turkmen, Tatar, Crimean Tatar, Kumyk) and those whose history is small (Altai, Chuvash, Tuvan, Yakut). Consequently, the authors paid more attention to the literary form, to its functional completeness and prestige, the idea of ​​the dialect is obscured here, is in the shadows.

As you can see from the list, non-written forms of a number of peoples (Baraba, Tatar, Tobolsk, Shor, Sayan, Abakan) are also called adverbs or dialects, but also written forms, relatively young (Nogai, Karakalpak, Kumyk) and quite old (Turkmen, Crimean Tatar, Uzbek, Uyghur, Kyrgyz).

The use of terms indicates that the authors, first of all, were attracted by the unwritten state of languages ​​and the relative similarity with it of written literary languages ​​with insufficiently developed functions and styles. In this case, both previous methods of naming were combined, indicating both the insufficient development of dialectology and the subjectivity of the authors. The diversity of the names shown above reflected the complex path of the formation of the Turkic languages ​​and the no less complex nature of its perception and interpretation by scientists and teachers.

By the 30-40s. XX century in theory and practice, the terms literary language - the system of its dialects - are fully fixed. At the same time, the struggle between the terms for the entire family of languages ​​(Turkic and Turkish-Tatars), which went on during the XIII-XIX centuries, ends. By the 40s. XIX century. (1835) the terms Türk / Türkic acquired generic status, and Türk / Turkish - specific status. This division was also fixed in English practice: turkis "Turkic and turkish" Turkish "(but in Turkish practice turk" Turkish "and" Turkic ", French turc" Turkish "and" Turkic ", German turkisch" Turkish "and" Turkic ") According to the information from the book "Türkic languages" in the series "Languages ​​of the World", there are 39 Turkic languages ​​in total.This is one of the large language families.

Taking the possibility of understanding and verbal communication as the scale for measuring the proximity of languages, the Turkic languages ​​are divided into close ones (Turkish-Az. -Gag.; Nog-Karkalp. -Kaz.; Tat. -Bashk.; Tuv. -Tof.; Yak. -long.), relatively distant (Turkish -Kaz.; Az.-Kirg.; Tat.-Tuv.) and quite distant (Chuv.-remaining languages; Yakuts.-remaining languages). There is a clear pattern in this gradation: the differences in the Turkic languages ​​increase from west to east, but the opposite is also true: from east to west. This rule is a consequence of the history of the Turkic languages.

Of course, the Turkic languages ​​did not immediately reach this level. This was preceded by a long path of development, as shown by comparative historical research. The Institute of Linguistics of the Russian Academy of Sciences has compiled a volume with group reconstructions, which will make it possible to trace the development of modern languages. In the late period of the Pra-Türkic language (III century BC), dialect groups of various chronological levels were formed in it, which gradually disintegrated into separate languages. There were more differences between groups than between members within groups. This general difference persisted later in the development of specific languages. The separated languages, being unwritten, were preserved and developed in oral folk art until their generalized forms were developed and the social conditions for the introduction of writing were ripe. By the VI-IX centuries. n. NS. for some Turkic tribes and their associations, these conditions arose, after which runic writing appeared (VII-XII centuries). The monuments of runic writing name a number of large Turkic-speaking tribes and their unions: turk, uyyur, qipcaq, qirgiz. It was in this linguistic environment, based on the Oguz and Uyghur languages, that the first written literary language was formed, serving many ethnic groups in a wide geographical area from Yakutia to Hungary. A scientific proposition has been put forward that in different periods there were different systems of signs (more than ten types), leads to the concept of various regional variants of the runic literary language that served the social needs of the Turkic ethnic groups. The literary form did not necessarily coincide with the dialectal base. So, among the ancient Uyghurs of Turfan, the dialect form differed from the written literary morphology and vocabulary, among the Yenisei Kyrgyz, the written language is known by epitaphs (this is d-language), and the dialect form, according to reconstructions, is similar to the group of z-languages ​​(Khakass, Shor, Sarygyugur Chulym-Turkic), on which the epic "Manas" began to take shape.

The stage of the runic literary language (VII-XII centuries) replaced the stage of the Old Uigur literary language (IX-XVIII centuries), then they were replaced by the Karakhanid-Uyghur (XI-XII centuries) and, finally, the Khorezm-Uyghur (XIII-XIV centuries) literary languages ​​that served other Turkic ethnic groups and their state structures.

The natural course of development of the Turkic languages ​​was disrupted by the Mongol conquest. Some ethnic groups disappeared, others were displaced. In the arena of history in the XIII-XIV centuries. new ethnic groups appeared with their own languages, which already had literary forms or developed them in the presence of social conditions up to the present day. The Chagatai literary language (XV-XIX centuries) played an important role in this process.

With the emergence of modern Turkic peoples in the historical arena before their formation into separate nations, the Chagatai language (together with other old languages ​​- Karakhanid-Uyghur, Khorezm-Turkic and Kypchak) was used as a literary form. Gradually, it absorbed local folk elements, which led to the emergence of local variants of the written language, which, unlike Chagatai as a whole, can be called the literary language of the Turks.

Several variants of the Turks are known: Central Asian (Uzbek, Uighur, Turkmen), Volga (Tatar, Bashkir); Aral-Caspian (Kazakh, Karakalpak, Kyrgyz), Caucasian (Kumyk, Karachay-Balkar, Azerbaijani) and Asia Minor (Turkish). From that moment on, we can talk about the initial period of modern Turkic national literary languages.

The origins of the Türkic variants go back to different periods: among the Turks, Azerbaijanis, Uzbeks, Uighurs, Tatars - to the XIII-XIV centuries, among the Turkmens, Crimean Tatars, Kirghiz and Bashkirs - to the XVII-XVIII centuries.

In the 20-30s in the Soviet state, the development of the Turkic languages ​​took a new direction: the democratization of the old literary languages ​​(they found modern dialectal foundations) and the creation of new ones. By the 30-40th years of the XX century. scripts were developed for the Altai, Tuvan, Khakass, Shor, Yakut languages. Subsequently, the positions of the Russian language, which became stronger in the social sphere, restrained the process of the functional development of the Turkic languages, but, of course, they could not stop it. The natural growth of literary languages ​​continued. In 1957, the Gagauz people received writing. The development process continues to this day: in 1978, writing was introduced among the Dolgans, in 1989 - among the Tofalars. Siberian Tatars are getting ready to introduce writing in their native language. Each nation decides this issue for itself.

The development of the Turkic languages ​​from a non-written form to a written one with a subordinate system of dialects did not significantly change either in the Mongolian or in the Soviet periods, despite the negative factors.

The changing situation in the Turkic world also concerns the new reform of the alphabetical systems of the Turkic languages ​​that has begun. For the seventieth anniversary of the twentieth century. this is the fourth total change of alphabets. Probably, only Turkic nomadic stubbornness and strength can withstand such a social burden. But why waste it for no apparent social or historical reason - I thought so in 1992 during an international conference of Turkologists in Kazan. Apart from purely technical flaws in the alphabets and spellings now in force, nothing else was indicated. But for the reform of alphabets, social needs are in the foreground, and not just wishes based on any particular moment.

At the present time, the social reason for the alphabetical replacement was indicated. This is the leading position of the Turkish people, their language in the modern Turkic world. Since 1928, a Latin script has been introduced in Turkey, reflecting the uniform system of the Turkish language. Naturally, the transition to the same Latin basis is desirable for other Turkic languages. This is also a force that strengthens the unity of the Turkic world. The spontaneous transition to the new alphabet began. But what does the initial stage of this movement show? It shows a complete inconsistency in the actions of the participants.

In the 1920s, the reform of the alphabet in the RSFSR was directed by a single body - the Central Committee of the New Alphabet, which, on the basis of serious scientific development, drew up unified systems of alphabets. At the end of the 30s, the next wave of alphabetical change was carried out by the forces of the Turkic peoples themselves without any coordination among themselves due to the absence of a coordinating body. This inconsistency has never been resolved.

It is impossible to ignore the discussion of the problem of the second alphabet for the Turkic languages ​​of countries with a Muslim culture. For the western Muslim part of the Turkic world, the eastern (Arabic) writing is 700 years old, and the European one is only 70 years old, that is, 10 times less time. A huge classical heritage has been created in the Arabic script, which is especially valuable now for the independently developing Turkic peoples. Can this wealth be neglected? It is possible if we stop considering ourselves Turks. It is impossible to translate the great achievements of the past culture into a transcriptional code. It is easier to master Arabic graphics and read old texts in the original. For philologists, the study of Arabic writing is mandatory, but for others it is optional.

The presence of not one, but several alphabets in one nation is no exception either now or in the past. The ancient Uyghurs, for example, used four different writing systems, and history has not recorded any complaints about this.

Together with the problem of the alphabet, the problem of the general fund of the Turkic terminology arises. The task of generalizing the Turkic terminological systems was not solved in the Soviet Union, remaining the exclusive right of the national republics. The unification of terminology is closely related to the level of development of sciences, which is reflected in the concepts and their names. If the levels are the same, then the unification process is not particularly difficult. In the case of differences in levels, the reduction of particular terminologies into something unified seems to be an extremely difficult matter.

Now the question can only be raised about preliminary measures, in particular about discussing this topic at scientific associations. These associations can be built on a professional basis. For example, the association of Türkologists: linguists, literary scholars, historians, etc. The association (commission) of Türkologists-linguists discusses the state of, say, grammatical theory in various parts of the Turkic world and gives recommendations for the development and unification of its terminology, if it seems possible ... In this case, viewing the state of the sciences itself is very useful. To recommend the terminology of a language for everyone now is to start from the end.

One more direction attracts attention, the scientific and social significance of which for the Turkic world is obvious. This is a search for common roots that symbolize the unified character of the Turkic world. Common roots lie in the lexical treasury of the Türks, in folklore, especially in epic works, customs and beliefs, folk crafts and art, etc. - in a word, it is necessary to compile a corpus of Turkic antiquities. Other nations are already doing such work. Of course, it must be thought over, a program must be drawn up, and performers and managers must be found and trained. It will probably require a small temporary Institute of Turkic Antiquities. The publication of the results and their implementation into practice will be an effective means of preserving and strengthening the Turkic world. All these measures, taken together, will pour into the old formula of Islmail Gasprinsky - in language, thought, deeds, unity - a new content.

The national lexical fund of the Turkic languages ​​is rich in primordial words. But the existence of the Soviet Union radically changed the functional nature and basic terminographic norms, as well as the alphabetical system of the Turkic languages. This is evidenced by the opinion of the scientist A.Yu. Musorina: “The languages ​​of the peoples of the former USSR can be considered as a linguistic union. The long-term coexistence of these languages ​​within the framework of one multinational state, as well as the colossal pressure on them from the Russian language, led to the appearance of common features in them at all levels of their language system. So, for example, in the Udmurd language, under the influence of Russian, the sounds [ф], [х], [c] appeared earlier in it; - ovoe), and in Tuvan new types of complex sentences that did not exist before were formed. The influence of the Russian language at the lexical level turned out to be especially strong. Almost all socio-political and scientific terminology in the languages ​​of the peoples of the former USSR is borrowed from the Russian language or was formed under its strong influence. The only exceptions in this regard are the languages ​​of the Baltic peoples - Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian. In these languages, the corresponding terminological systems were formed in many respects even before the entry of Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia into the USSR. "

inological character of the Turkish language. The dictionary of the Turkic languages ​​contained a fairly large percentage of Arabisms and Iranisms, Russisms, with which, again for political reasons, in Soviet times, a struggle was fought along the line of terminological construction and open Russification. International terms and words denoting new phenomena of the economy, everyday life, ideology were directly borrowed from Russian or from other languages ​​through the press and other media, first into speech, and after that they were fixed in the language and supplemented not only the Turkic speech and terminology, but also a dictionary in general. At this time, the terminological system of the Turkic languages ​​is intensively replenished with borrowed words and international terms. The main share of borrowed words and neologisms are terms from European countries, including a large number of English words. However, the equivalents of these loan words in the Turkic languages ​​are ambiguous. As a result, the national coloring, spelling and orthoepic norms of the lexical fund of the people-carrier of these languages ​​are violated. The solution to this problem is possible thanks to the joint efforts of the scientists of the Turkic-speaking countries. In particular, I would like to note that the creation of a unified electronic terminological base of the Turkic peoples and the national corpus of the Turkic world and its constant updating will contribute to the effective achievement of this goal.

The languages ​​of these minority peoples are included in the "Red Book of the Languages ​​of the Peoples of Russia" (Moscow, 1994). The languages ​​of the peoples of Russia are different in their legal status (state, official, interethnic, local) and the scope of their social functions in different spheres of life. In accordance with the 1993 Constitution, the state language of the Russian Federation throughout its territory is Russian.

Along with this, the Basic Law of the Russian Federation recognizes the right of the republics to establish their state languages. Currently, in 19 republics-subjects of the Russian Federation, legislative acts have been adopted that consolidate the status of national languages ​​as state languages. Along with the title language of a constituent entity of the Russian Federation, recognized as the state language in this republic, and Russian as the state language of the Russian Federation, in some constituent entities, other languages ​​are also endowed with the state language. Thus, in Dagestan, in accordance with the Constitution of the republic (1994), 8 out of 13 literary and written languages ​​are declared state; in the Karachay-Cherkess Republic - 5 languages ​​(Abaza, Kabardino-Circassian, Karachay-Balkarian, Nogai and Russian); 3 state languages ​​are declared in the legislative acts of the republics of Mari-El and Mordovia.

The adoption of legislative acts in the linguistic sphere is intended to increase the prestige of national languages, to contribute to the expansion of the spheres of their functioning, to create conditions for the preservation and development, as well as to protect the linguistic rights and linguistic independence of the individual and the people. The functioning of the state languages ​​of the Russian Federation is determined in the most significant spheres of communication, such as education, printing, mass communication, spiritual culture, and religion. The distribution of functions in the following links is presented in the education system of the Russian Federation: preschool institutions - language is used as a means of education and / or is studied as a subject; national schools - the language is used as a means of teaching and / or taught as an academic subject; national schools - the language is used as a means of teaching and / or studied as a subject; mixed schools - they present classes with Russian as the language of instruction and classes with other languages ​​of instruction, languages ​​are taught as an academic subject. All languages ​​of the peoples of the Russian Federation, which have a written tradition, are used in education and training with varying intensity and at different levels of the educational system.

Turkic languages ​​in the Russian Federation and a multifaceted, complex and urgent problem of the policy of the Russian state in the linguistic sphere of culture and national relations in general. The fate of the languages ​​of the minority Turkic ethnic groups in Russia is a problem from among the critical, shouting, firefighters: a few years can be fatal, the consequences are irreversible.
Scientists consider the following Turkic languages ​​to be endangered:
- Dolgan
- Kumandin
- Tofalar
- Tubalar
- Tuvan-Todzha
- Chelkansky
- Chulym
- Shor

Dolgans
Dolgans (self-name - Dolgan, tya-kikhi, Sakha) are a people in Russia, mainly in the Taimyr Autonomous District of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Believers are Orthodox). The Dolgan language is the language of the Yakut subgroup of the Turkic group of the Altai languages. The core of the Dolgan nation was formed as a result of the interaction of various ethnic groups: Evenks, Yakuts, Russian Zatundrinsky peasants, etc. The main language of communication between these groups was the Yakut language, which was spread among the Tungus clans back in Yakutia at the turn of the 17th-18th centuries. In general historical terms, it can be assumed that the Dolgan language retained the elements of the Yakut language from the period of the first waves of their migration to the territory of present-day Yakutia and gradually pushed aside by subsequent waves to the northwest. The Tungus clans, which later became the core of the Dolgan people, contacted representatives of this wave of Yakuts and, having adopted their language, migrated with them across the territory that later became their common homeland. The process of the formation of the nationality and its language continued on the Taimyr Peninsula in the course of the mutual influence of various groups of Evenks, Yakuts, Russians and their languages. They were united by the same way of life (way of life, economy), geographical location and, mainly, language, which by that time had become the main one in communication between them. Therefore, the modern Dolgan language, while remaining basically grammatically Yakut, contains many elements of the languages ​​of those peoples who made up the new ethnos. This is especially reflected in the vocabulary. Dolgan (Dulgaan) is the name of one of the Evenk clans that assimilated into the new ethnos. This name is currently used in the Russian version to designate all representatives of this nationality. The self-name of the main group Dolgans (Khatanga region) is haka (compare Yakut. Sakha), as well as tya kihite, tyalar - a person from the tundra, tundra (western Dolgans). In this case, the Türkic word tya (tau, tuu, too, etc.) - "wooded mountain" in the Dolgan language acquired the meaning of "tundra". The number of Dolgans according to their censuses in the Taimyr Autonomous District and the Anabar District of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) in 1959, 1970, 1979, 1989 and the preliminary results of the 2002 census in the Russian Federation is as follows: 3932 (updated data), 4877, 5053, 6929, 7000 people. According to the 1979 census, the largest percentage of those who consider their nationality their native language is 90 percent; in subsequent years, this indicator has slightly decreased. At the same time, the number of Dolgans who are fluent in Russian is growing. The Russian language is used in the official business sphere, in the press, in communicating with people of a different nationality, and often in everyday life. Some Dolgans read books, magazines in the Yakut language, can communicate, carry on correspondence, although they experience lexical, grammatical, and spelling difficulties.
If the independence of the Dolgans as a nationality is an indisputable fact, then the determination of the status of their language as an independent or as a dialect of the Yakut language is still controversial. The Tungus clans, due to the prevailing historical circumstances, having switched to the language of the Yakuts, did not assimilate in their environment, but, having fallen into special conditions, in the process of interaction with various ethnic groups, began to form as a new people. "Special conditions" were remoteness from the bulk of the Yakuts, a different way of life and other cultural and economic changes in the life of the Dolgans in Taimyr. For the first time, the idea of ​​the independence of the Dolgan language was expressed in 1940 at the defense of the candidate's dissertation by EI Ubryatova "The Language of the Norilsk Dolgans". In recent years, this idea has been increasingly confirmed in the works of researchers of this language. We are talking about the isolation of the Dolgan language, which at a certain stage of its development and functioning was a dialect of the Yakut language, as a result of a long isolated development, changes in the way of life of the people, as well as geographic and administrative division. In the future, the Dolgan language increasingly moved away from the literary Yakut language, which is based on the dialects of the central regions of Yakutia.
It is important to emphasize that the question of the independence of the Dolgan language, like other similar languages, cannot be resolved only from the linguistic point of view. When determining the linguistic affiliation of a dialect, it is not enough to appeal only to structural criteria - it is also necessary to turn to the signs of a sociological order: the presence or absence of a common literary written language, mutual understanding between native speakers, ethnic self-awareness of the people (the corresponding assessment of their language by its native speakers). The Dolgans do not consider themselves either Yakuts or Evenks and recognize their language as a separate, different language. This is motivated by the difficulties in understanding between the Yakuts and Dolgans and the impossibility of using the latter of the Yakut literary language in cultural life; the creation of their own writing and teaching in schools of the Dolgan language (the impossibility of using the Yakut school literature in this case); publication of fiction and other literature in the Dolgan language. From this it follows that the Dolgan language, even from a linguistic point of view, remaining as if a dialect of the Yakut language, taking into account the complex of historical, socio-cultural, sociological factors, is an independent language. Writing in the Dolgan language was created only at the end of the 70s of the XX century. In 1978, the Cyrillic alphabet was approved, taking into account the peculiarities of the phonemic structure of the language, as well as the Russian and Yakut graphics. Currently, this language is used mainly in everyday communication. The language begins to function in print, on the radio. The native language is taught in elementary school. The Dolgan language is taught at the Herzen Russian State Pedagogical University to students - future teachers.
Of course, there are many problems in the preservation and development of the language. First of all, this is teaching the native language to children at school. There is a question about the insufficient methodological equipment of teachers, about the small amount of literature in the Dolgan language. It is necessary to intensify the publication of newspapers and books in this language. Raising children in a family in the spirit of respect for their people, traditions and native language is of no small importance.

Kumandy
The Kumandins (Kumandivands, Kuwants, Kuvandyg / Kuvandykh) are one of the Turkic-speaking ethnic groups that make up the population of the Altai Republic.
The Kumandin language is a dialect of the Altai language or, in the opinion of a number of Türkologists, a separate language in the Khakass subgroup of the Uyghur-Oguz group of Türkic languages. According to the census of 1897, the number of Kumandins was 4092 people, in 1926 - 6334 people, in subsequent censuses they were not taken into account; according to preliminary data of the 2002 census in the Russian Federation - 3000 people. The most compact Kumandins live within the Altai Territory, in the Kemerovo Region. The ethnogenesis of the Kumandins, like other tribes living in Altai, was attended by the ancient Samoyed, Ket and Turkic tribes. The ancient influences of various Turkic dialects are still felt, causing controversy about the linguistic qualifications of the Kumandin language. By a number of phonetic features, the language of the Kumandins is close to the Shor language and partly to the Khakass language. It also retained specific features that distinguish it among the Altai dialects and even within the Turkic languages. Kumandins of the middle and older generations use their native Kumandin language in colloquial speech, young people prefer Russian. Almost all Kumandins speak Russian, some consider it their native language. Writing for the Altai language was developed on the basis of one of its southern dialects - Teleut in the middle of the 19th century by the missionaries of the Altai spiritual mission. In this form, it was also common among the Kumandins. In the early 30s of the twentieth century, an attempt was made to teach the Kumandins in their native language. In 1933 "Kumandy Primer" was published. However, that was all. In the early 90s, teaching in schools was in Russian. As a subject, the Altai literary language was taught, which, being different in its dialectal base, is significantly influenced by the local speech of the Kumandins.

Soyots
Soyots are one of the small ethnic groups whose representatives live compactly on the territory of the Okinsky District of the Republic of Buryatia. According to the 1989 census, their number ranged from 246 to 506 people.
By the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Buryatia dated April 13, 1993, the Soyot National Village Council was formed on the territory of the Okinsky District of the Republic of Buryatia. In connection with the growth of national self-awareness, on the one hand, and the opportunity to obtain official legal status, on the other, the Soyots turned to the Russian parliament with a request to recognize them as an independent ethnic group, while more than 1000 citizens applied for a change of nationality and to identify them as Soyots. ... According to V.I.Rassadin, the Soyots of Buryatia (natives of the Khusugul region in Mongolia), according to legend, broke away from the Tsaatans, who had the same clans (Haasuut, Onhot, Irkit), as among the Soyots, about 350-400 years ago. The Soyot language is part of the Sayan subgroup of Siberian Turkic languages, which unites the languages ​​of Russian Tuvinians, Mongolian and Chinese Monchaks, Tsengel Tuvinians (steppe group) and the languages ​​of Tofalars, Tsaatans, Uighur-Uryankhais, Soyts (taiga group). The Soyot language is unwritten; in its development it experienced a significant influence of the Mongolian language, at the present stage - Buryat and Russian. Now the Soyots have almost completely lost their language: it is remembered only by the older generation. The Soyot language has been studied very poorly.

Teleuts
Teleuts are the indigenous population living along the Sema River (Shebalinsky District of the Altai Republic), in the Chumyshsky District of the Altai Territory and along the Bolshoi and Maly Bachat Rivers (Novosibirsk Region). Their self-name - tele "ut / tele" et - goes back to the ancient ethnonym widespread among the inhabitants of Altai. Like other ethnic groups in the region, the Teleuts were formed on the basis of the Turkization of local tribes of Samoyed or Ket origin. The study of toponymy showed that, in addition to the indicated components, the territory was also strongly influenced by the Mongol-speaking tribes. However, the strongest layer belongs to the Turkic languages, and some of the Turkic names correlate with the ancient Turkic, as well as with the Kirghiz, Tuvan, Kazakh and other neighboring Turkic languages. According to its linguistic characteristics, the Teleut language belongs to the Kyrgyz-Kypchak group of the eastern branch of the Turkic languages ​​(N.A. Baskakov), therefore, there are features that unite it with the Kyrgyz language. The Altai language has a relatively long history of fixing and studying its dialects. Recordings of individual Altai words began from the moment the Russians entered Siberia. During the first academic expeditions (XVIII century), lexicons appeared and materials on the language were collected (D.-G. Messerschmidt, I. Fischer, G. Miller, P. Pallas, G. Gmelin). Academician V.V. Radlov, who traveled in Altai in 1863-1871 and collected texts that he published (1866) or used in his Phonetics (1882-1883), as well as in the Dictionary of Turkic languages ​​". The Teleut language also came to the attention of scientists and was described in the famous "Grammar of the Altai language" (1869). It was with this dialect that the linguistic activity of the Altai Spiritual Mission, which opened in 1828, turned out to be associated. Its outstanding figures V.M. Verbitsky, S.Landyshev, M.Glukharev-Nevsky developed the first Altai alphabet on a Russian basis and created a written language based on the Teleut dialect. The Altai grammar was one of the first and very successful examples of the grammars of the Turkic languages, functionally oriented; it has not lost its significance to this day. VM Verbitsky compiled the "Dictionary of the Altai and Aladag dialects of the Turkic language" (1884). The Teleut dialect was the first to acquire a writing system developed by missionaries; it included letters of the Russian alphabet, supplemented with special characters for specific Altai phonemes. Characteristically, with some minor changes, this writing exists to this day. The modified missionary alphabet was used until 1931, when the romanized alphabet was introduced. The latter in 1938 was again replaced by writing on the Russian basis). In modern informational conditions and under the influence of the school, there is a leveling of dialectal differences that recede before the norms of the literary language. On the other hand, the offensive of the Russian language, which is spoken by the majority of Altaians, is taking place. In 1989, 65.1 percent of Altaians indicated fluency in Russian, while only 1.9 percent of the total spoke their nationality, but 84.3 percent consider Altai their native language (89.6 percent in the Altai Republic). The small population of Teleuts is subject to the same linguistic processes as the rest of the indigenous population of the Altai Republic. Apparently, the sphere of using the dialectal form of the language will remain in family communication and in single-national production collectives engaged in traditional ways of managing.

Tofalars
Tofalars (self-name - tofa, the outdated name of Karagasy) is a people living mainly on the territory of two village councils - Tofalarsky and Verkhnegutarsky, which are part of the Nizhneudinsky district of the Irkutsk region). Tofalaria - the area where the Tofalars live, is entirely located in the mountains covered with larch and cedar. The historical ancestors of the Tofalars were the Keto-speaking Kott, Assan and Arin tribes and the Sayan Samoyeds, who lived in the Eastern Sayans, and the Sayan Samoyeds, with one of whom, the Kamasinians, the Tofalars were in close contact until recently. The Samoyedic and especially the Keto-speaking toponymy preserved in Tofalaria testifies to the substratum of these tribes. Notable elements revealed in the phonetics and vocabulary of the Tofalar language also speak about the Ket substratum. The Turkization of the Sayan aboriginal population took place in the ancient Turkic time, as evidenced by the Oguz and especially the ancient Uigur elements preserved in the modern language. Long and deep economic and cultural contacts with the medieval Mongols, and later with the Buryats, were also reflected in the Tofalar language. Contacts with Russians began in the 17th century, especially after 1930, with the transfer of the Tofalars to a sedentary lifestyle. According to the census, there were 543 people in total in 1851, in 1882 - 456, in 1885 - 426, in 1927 - 417, in 1959 - 586, in 1970 - 620, in 1979 -m - 763 (476 people lived in Tofalaria itself), in 1989 - 731 people; according to preliminary data of the 2002 census in the Russian Federation, the number of Tofalars is 1000 people. Until 1929-1930, the Tofalars led an exclusively nomadic lifestyle and did not have permanent settlements. Their traditional occupation has long been the breeding of domestic reindeer, which are used for riding and transporting goods in packs. Other areas of economic activity were hunting for meat and fur animals, fishing, harvesting wild edible plants. The Tofalars had not previously been engaged in agriculture, however, living already settled, they learned from the Russians to grow potatoes and vegetables. Before the transition to a settled way of life, they lived in a tribal system. After 1930, the villages of Alygzher, Nerha and Upper Gutara were built on the territory of Tofalaria, in which the Tofalars settled, and the Russians settled here; since then, the position of the Russian language has been strengthened among the Tofalars. The Tofalar language is included in the Sayan group of Turkic languages, which combines with it the Tuvan language, the languages ​​of the Mongolian Uygurohuryanhai and Tsaatans, as well as the Monchaks of Mongolia and China. Comparison in general Türkological terms shows that the Tofalar language, sometimes itself, sometimes together with other Türkic languages ​​of Sayan-Altai and Yakut, retains a number of archaic features, some of them are comparable with the Old Uigur language. The study of phonetics, morphology and vocabulary of the Tofalar language showed that this language is an independent Turkic language, which has both specific features and characteristics that unite it either with all Turkic languages, or with their separate groups.
The Tofalar language has always been unwritten. However, its fixation was carried out in scientific transcription in the middle of the 19th century by the famous scientist M.A.Kastren, and at the end of the 19th century by N.F. Kaftanov. Writing was created only in 1989 on a Russian graphic basis. Since 1990, the teaching of the Tofalar language began in the primary grades of the Tofalar schools. A primer and a book for reading (1st and 2nd grade) have been compiled ... During their nomadic life, the Tofalars had active linguistic connections only with the Kamasinians living in their neighborhood, the Tuvans-Todzhans, the Nizhnesudin and Okin Buryats. At that time, their linguistic situation was characterized by monolingualism of the overwhelming part of the population and Tofalar-Russian-Buryat trilingualism in a separate part of the adult population. With the beginning of a settled life, the Russian language began to firmly enter the daily life of the Tofalars. School education was conducted in Tofalaria only in Russian. The native language was gradually pushed aside into the sphere of home communication, and even then between the elderly. In 1989, 43 percent of the total number of Tofalars named Tofalar as their native language, and only 14 people (1.9 percent) spoke it fluently. After the creation of writing and the beginning of teaching the Tofalar language in primary school, that is, after receiving state support, - writes the researcher of the Tofalar language V.I.Rassadin, - the interest in the Tofalar language, in the Tofalar culture among the population began to grow. Not only Tofalar children began to learn the language at school, but also students of other nationalities. People began to talk to each other more in their native language. Thus, the preservation and development of the Tofalar language currently depends on the degree of state support, the provision of the school with educational and visual aids in the native language, the financial security of publications in the Tofalar language and the training of teachers of the native language, as well as on the level of development of habitual forms of management in places of residence. tofalars.

Tuvans-Todzhans
Tuvans-Todzhins are one of the small ethnic groups that make up the modern Tuvan nation; they compactly live in the Todzha region of the Republic of Tuva, whose name sounds like "Todu". The Todzhins call themselves tyva / tuga / tukha, the ethnonym dates back to ancient times.
The language of the Tuvinians-Todjins is a dialect of the Tuvan language in the Uyghur-Tyukuy subgroup of the Uyghur-Oguz group of the Turkic languages. Located in North-Eastern Tuva, Todzha covers an area of ​​4.5 thousand square kilometers, these are powerful mountain ranges in the Eastern Sayan Mountains, overgrown with taiga, and the intermountains are swampy, originating in the mountain spurs of the river flow through the wooded Todzha depression. The flora and fauna of this region is rich and varied. Living in a mountainous area isolated the Todjans from the rest of Tuva, and this could not but affect the peculiarities of the language. The Samoyedians, Kets, Mongols and Türks took part in the ethnogenesis of the Tuvans-Todjins, as evidenced by the tribal names preserved by the modern inhabitants of Toja, and the ethnonyms common among the listed peoples, rich material is also provided by local toponymy. The Türkic ethnic component turned out to be decisive and, as various sources testify, by the 19th century the population of Toji was Türkized. However, in the material and spiritual culture of the Tuvans-Todjins, there are elements that go back to the cultures of these ethnoses-substrates.
In the late 19th - early 20th centuries, Russian peasants moved to Todji. Their descendants continue to live side by side with the Todzha people, representatives of the older generation often speak the Tuvan language. The new wave of Russians is associated with the development of natural resources, most of them are specialists - engineers, agronomists, livestock specialists, doctors. In 1931, according to the census, there were 2,115 indigenous people (568 households) in the Todzha region. In 1994, D.M. Nasilov, a researcher of the language and culture of the Tuvans-Todzhintsy, claimed that there were about 6,000 of them. According to the preliminary data of the 2002 census in the Russian Federation, there are 36,000 Tuvans-Tojins (!). The Todzha language is under active pressure from the literary language, the norms of which penetrate through the school (Tuvan language is taught at school from preparatory to grade 11 inclusive), the media, and fiction. In Tuva, up to 99 percent of Tuvans consider their language to be their native language; this is one of the highest rates in the Russian Federation for the preservation of the national language as a mother tongue. However, on the other hand, the sustainability of traditional forms of management in the region also contributes to the preservation of dialectal characteristics in Todzha: breeding deer and livestock, hunting fur-bearing animals, fishing, that is, communication in a familiar economic environment, and here young people also actively participate in labor activities. , which ensures linguistic continuity. Thus, the linguistic situation among the Tuvans-Todjins should be assessed as one of the most prosperous among other small ethnic groups in the Siberian region. Famous figures of Tuvan culture emerged from among the Tuvans-Todzha. The works of the writer Stepan Saryg-ool reflected not only the life of the Todzhins, but also the peculiarities of the language of the latter.

Chelkandy
Chelkans are one of the Turkic-speaking ethnic groups that make up the population of the Altai Republic, they are also known under the outdated name Lebedinsky or Lebedinsky Tatars. The Chelkan language belongs to the Khakass subgroup of the Uighur-Oguz group of Turkic languages. Chelkandy are the indigenous population of the Altai Mountains, living along the Lebed River and its tributary Baigol. Their self-name is chalkandu / shalkandu, as well as kuu-kizhi (kuu - "swan", from where the ethnonym "Lebedintsy" and the hydronym of the river Lebed originated from the Türkic). In the formation of Chelkans, like other ethnic groups of modern Altaians, tribes of Samoyed and Kett origin, as well as Turkic tribes, whose Turkic language finally defeated foreign language components, took part. The mass migration of the Turks to Altai took place in the ancient Turkic time.
Chelkandy are a small ethnic group influenced by Altai ethnic groups, as well as living around a significant Russian-speaking population. Chelkandy are settled in the villages of Kurmach-Baigol, Suranash, Maly Chibekhen and Itkuch. In the scientific literature of the mid-90s of the twentieth century, it was asserted that there are about 2000 Chelkans; according to preliminary data of the 2002 census, there are 900 of them in the Russian Federation.
The first fixation of the language of Chelkans (Lebedints) belongs to Academician V.V. Radlov, who was in Altai in 1869-1871. In our time, N.A. Baskakov made a great contribution to the study of the Altai language and its dialects. In his works, he used his own expeditionary materials, as well as all previously recorded texts and materials on these dialects. The toponymy of the region where Chelkans and Altaians live is generally described in the fundamental work of O. T. Molchanova "Structural types of Turkic toponyms in Gorny Altai" (Saratov, 1982) and in the "Toponymic Dictionary of Gorny Altai" (Gorno-Altaisk, 1979; more than 5400 entries). All Chelkans are bilingual and speak Russian well, which for many has already become their native language. Therefore, the Chelkan dialect, narrowing the scope of its functioning, remains alive only in family communication and in small production teams engaged in traditional types of economic activity.

Chulyms
Chulyms are the indigenous population living in the taiga area in the Chulym river basin, along its middle and lower reaches, within the Tomsk region and Krasnoyarsk Territory. Chulym language (Chulym-Turkic) - the language of the Khakass subgroup of the Uighur-Oguz group of languages, is closely related to the Khakass and Shor languages; it is the language of a small Turkic ethnos, the language of the Chulym / Melet / Melets Tatars is known under outdated names, it is now represented by two dialects. The entry of the Chulym language into the Turkic-speaking area of ​​Siberia testifies to the genetic ties of the ancestors of its speakers, who participate in the Turkization of the aboriginal population of the Chulym River basin, with the tribes speaking Turkic languages ​​of the entire Sayano-Altai. Since 1946, the systematic study of the Chulym language began by A.P. Dulzon, a prominent Tomsk linguist: he visited all the Chulym villages and described the phonetic, morphological and lexical system of this language and gave a characteristic of its dialects, primarily the Lower Chulym. A.P. Dulzon's research was continued by his student R.M. Biryukovich, who collected voluminous new factual material, gave a detailed monographic description of the structure of the Chulym language with special attention to the Middle Chulym dialect and showed its place among other languages ​​of the Turkic-speaking areas of Siberia. According to preliminary data from the 2002 census, there are 700 Chulym residents in the Russian Federation. The Chulym residents came into contact with the Russians since the 17th century, early Russian lexical borrowings were adapted according to the laws of Turkic phonetics: porota - gates, agrat - vegetable garden, start - beads, but now all Chulyms are fluent in Russian. The Chulym language contains a known number of common Türkic words that have preserved the ancient sound appearance and semantics, there are relatively few Mongolian borrowings in it. The terms of kinship and the time counting system, toponymic names are peculiar. Favorable factors for the language of the Chulyms are their certain isolation and the preservation of their usual forms of management.

Shors
The Shors are a small Turkic-speaking ethnos living in the northern foothills of Altai, in the upper reaches of the Tom River and along its tributaries - Kondoma and Mrassu, within the Kemerovo region. Self-name - Shore; in ethnographic literature they are also known under the name Kuznetsk Tatars, Niello Tatars, Mras and Kondoms, or Mras and Kondoms, Maturians, Abalars or Abins. The term "blinders" and, accordingly, "Shor language" was introduced into scientific circulation by Academician VV Radlov at the end of the 19th century; he united under this name the clan groups of the "Kuznetsk Tatars", separating them from the neighboring Teleuts, Kumandins, Chelkans and Abakan Tatars, related in language, but the term "Shor language" was finally established only in the 30s of the 20th century. The Shor language is the language of the Khakass subgroup of the Uighur-Oguz group of Turkic languages, which indicates its relative proximity to other languages ​​of this subgroup - Khakass, Chulym-Turkic and northern dialects of the Altai language. The ethnogenesis of the modern Shors was attended by the ancient Ob-Ugric (Samoyed) tribes, later Turkic, and groups of ancient Turks - Tyuku and Tele. The ethnic heterogeneity of the Shors and the influence of a number of substrate languages ​​determined the presence of noticeable dialectal differences in the Shor language and the complexity of the formation of a single spoken language. From 1926 to 1939 on the territory of the current Tashtagolsky, Novokuznetsk, Mezhdurechensky districts, Myskovsky, Osinnikovsky and part of the Novokuznetsk city councils, there was a Gorno-Shorsky national region. By the time the national region was created, the Shors lived here compactly and made up about 70 percent of its population. In 1939, national autonomy was abolished and a new administrative-territorial division was carried out. Recently, due to the intensive industrial development of Gornaya Shoria and the influx of a foreign-speaking population, the density of the indigenous population has dropped dramatically: for example, in the city of Tashtagol, Shors are 5 percent, in Mezhdurechensk - 1.5 percent, in Myski - 3.4, and most of the Shors live in cities and towns - 73.5 percent, in rural areas - 26.5 percent. The total number of Shors, according to the censuses of 1959-1989, slightly increased: 1959 - 15274 people, 1970 - 16494, 1979 - 16033, 1989 - 16652 (of which 15745 are on the territory of the Russian Federation). According to preliminary data from the 2002 census, there are 14 thousand Shors in Russia. In recent decades, the number of those who are fluent in their native Shor language has also decreased: in 1989 there were only 998 people - 6 percent. About 42 percent of Shors named Russian as their native language, 52.7 percent speak it fluently, that is, about 95 percent of modern ethnic Shors speak Russian either as their mother tongue or as a second language: the absolute majority has become bilingual. In the Kemerovo region, the number of Shor-speaking speakers of the total population was about 0.4 percent. The Russian language has an increasing influence on the Shor language: lexical borrowings are increasing, the phonetic system and syntactic structure are changing. By the time of the first fixation in the middle of the 19th century, the language of the Shors (Kuznetsk Tatars) was a conglomerate of Turkic dialects and dialects, however, dialectal differences were not completely overcome in the oral communication of the Shors. The prerequisites for the creation of the national Shor language arose during the organization of the Gorno-Shor national region, when national statehood appeared on a single ethnic territory with a compact settlement and economic integrity. The literary language was formed on the basis of the lower-rass mountain of the Mras dialect. It published textbooks, works of original literature, translations from the Russian language, a newspaper was published. The Shor language was studied in primary and secondary schools. In 1936, for example, 33 out of 100 primary schools were national, out of 14 secondary schools - 2, by 1939, out of 209 schools in the district, 41 were national. In the village of Kuzedeevo, a pedagogical technical school for 300 places was opened, 70 of them were reserved for Shors. A local intelligentsia was created - teachers, writers, cultural workers, the general Shor national identity was strengthened. In 1941, the first large scientific grammar of the Shor language was published, written by N.P. Dyrenkova, earlier she had published a volume of "Shor folklore" (1940). After the abolition of the Gorno-Shorsk national region, the pedagogical college and the editorial office of the national newspaper, village clubs, teaching in schools and office work began to be conducted only in Russian; the development of the literary Shor language was thus interrupted, as was its impact on local dialects. The history of the Shor language writing is more than 100 years old: in 1883 the first book in the Shor language was published in Cyrillic - "The Sacred History", in 1885 the first primer was compiled. Until 1929, writing was based on Russian graphics with the addition of signs for specific Turkic phonemes. From 1929 to 1938, the Latin-based alphabet was used. After 1938, they returned again to Russian graphics. Now textbooks and books for reading for primary school, textbooks for grades 3-5 have been published, Shor-Russian and Russian-Shor dictionaries are being prepared, works of art are being created, folklore texts are being printed. A department of the Shor language and literature was opened at the Novokuznetsk Pedagogical Institute (the first enrollment in 1989). However, parents do not seek to teach their children their native language. In a number of villages, folklore ensembles have been created, the main task of which is to preserve songwriting and revive folk dances. Public national movements (the Association of the Shor people, the Shoria society and others) raised the issue of reviving traditional types of management, restoring national autonomy, solving social problems, especially for residents of taiga villages, and creating ecological zones.

The Russian Empire was a multinational state. The language policy of the Russian Empire was colonial in relation to other peoples and assumed the dominant role of the Russian language. Russian was the language of the majority of the population and, therefore, the state language of the empire. Russian was the language of administration, court, army and interethnic communication. The coming of the Bolsheviks to power meant a turn in language policy. It was based on the need to meet the needs of everyone to use their mother tongue and master the heights of world culture in it. The policy of equal rights for all languages ​​found wide support among the non-Russian population of the outskirts, whose ethnic identity has grown significantly during the years of revolutions and civil war. However, the implementation of the new language policy, begun in the twenties and also called language construction, was hampered by the insufficient development of many languages. Few of the languages ​​of the peoples of the USSR then had a literary norm and writing. As a result of the national demarcation of 1924, based on the "right of nations to self-determination" proclaimed by the Bolsheviks, autonomous national formations of the Turkic peoples appeared. The creation of national-territorial borders was accompanied by the reform of the traditional Arabic script of the Muslim peoples. IN
Linguistically, traditional Arabic writing is inconvenient for the Turkic languages, since short vowels are not indicated when writing. The Arabic script reform easily resolved this problem. In 1924, a modified version of the Arabic alphabet was developed for the Kyrgyz language. However, even the reformed Arabic alphabet had a number of shortcomings, and most importantly, it preserved the isolation of the Muslims of the USSR from the rest of the world and thereby contradicted the idea of ​​world revolution and internationalism. Under these conditions, a decision was made to stage-by-stage romanization of all Turkic languages, as a result of which, in 1928, a translation into the Turkic-Latin alphabet was carried out. In the second half of the thirties, a departure from the previously proclaimed principles in language policy is outlined and the active introduction of the Russian language into all spheres of language life begins. In 1938, the compulsory study of the Russian language was introduced in the national schools of the union republics. And in 1937-1940. the writing of the Turkic peoples is translated from Latin into Cyrillic. The change in the language course was primarily due to the fact that the real language situation in the twenties and thirties contradicted the current language policy. The need for mutual understanding in a single state demanded a single state language, which could only be Russian. In addition, the Russian language had a high social prestige among the peoples of the USSR. Mastering the Russian language facilitated access to information and knowledge, promoted further growth and career. And the translation of the languages ​​of the peoples of the USSR from Latin to Cyrillic, of course, facilitated the study of the Russian language. Moreover, by the end of the thirties, mass expectations of a world revolution were replaced by the ideology of building socialism in one country. The ideology of internationalism gave way to the politics of nationalism

In general, the consequences of the Soviet language policy on the development of the Turkic languages ​​were rather contradictory. On the one hand, the creation of the literary Turkic languages, the significant expansion of their functions and the strengthening of their status in society, achieved in Soviet times, can hardly be overestimated. On the other hand, the processes of linguistic unification, and later Russification, contributed to the weakening of the role of the Turkic languages ​​in social and political life. Thus, the language reform of 1924 led to the breakdown of the Muslim tradition, which nourished ethnicity, language, and culture based on the Arabic script. Reform 1937-1940 protected the Turkic peoples from the growing ethnopolitical and socio-cultural influence of Turkey and thereby contributed to cultural unification and assimilation. The Russification policy was carried out until the beginning of the nineties. However, the real language situation was much more complicated. The Russian language dominated the management system, large-scale industry, technology, natural sciences, that is, where non-indigenous ethnic groups prevailed. As for most of the Turkic languages, their functioning extended to agriculture, secondary education, humanities, fiction and the media.

The linguistic situation in Russia does not cease to be one of the acute and urgent problems. In a multinational state, such as the Russian Federation, active bilingualism is a social necessity - one of the main conditions for coexistence and cooperation of multilingual peoples. However, assimilation processes have a detrimental effect on the languages ​​of the small peoples of the Russian Federation. In Russia, from year to year, the share of those who speak their native language is decreasing, the percentage of those who consider the language an element of ethnic identification is decreasing, this is especially noticeable in cities. If the process of losing interest in the language of their people develops, this will lead to the disappearance of not only languages, but also a number of peoples of the Russian Federation. Therefore, most minor

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