XXVII Congress of the CPSU and its historical significance. Materials of the congresses of the CPSU 27 Congress of the Party of the CPSU

The country

USSR USSR

Date of the first event Last held date Organizer Attendance

4993 delegates

XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union- the first congress after the deaths of L. I. Brezhnev, Yu. V. Andropov and K. U. Chernenko (M. S. Gorbachev was already General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party) and the penultimate one in the history of the CPSU. Held in Moscow at the Kremlin Palace of Congresses from February 25 to March 6, 1986. 5,000 delegates were elected to the congress; by the time of the opening, 4,993 delegates were present in the hall.

Order of the day

  1. Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the tasks of the party.
  2. On the new edition of the Program of the CPSU.
  3. On changes in the Charter of the CPSU.
  4. Report of the Central Audit Commission of the CPSU
  5. On the Main Directions of the Economic and Social Development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the Perspective up to 2000
  6. Elections of the central bodies of the party.

On the first three issues on the agenda, the Political Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU to the 27th Party Congress was heard, which was delivered by General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU MS Gorbachev.

On the fourth question, G. F. Sizov, Chairman of the Central Audit Commission of the CPSU, made a report.

Nikolai Ryzhkov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, made a report on the fifth item on the order of the day.

The governing bodies of the congress

The congress elected the Presidium of 136 people, the Secretariat of 49 people, the Editorial Commission - 30 people and the Credentials Commission - 51 people.

At the congress, the years of Brezhnev's leadership were called "a period of stagnation."

The future first President of Russia, and at that time the first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin, first attracted the attention of the general public precisely thanks to his rather bold speech at the XXVII Congress of the CPSU.

In particular, Yeltsin openly spoke out against the interference of party bodies in economic issues, called for the accountability of top leaders, their responsibility for their actions, and also touched upon, albeit in a cautious manner, the topic of the privileges of the nomenklatura.

“They (party bodies) have already got so deeply into economic affairs that they have sometimes begun to lose their positions as organs of political leadership. It is no coincidence that the structure of the departments of the Central Committee gradually became almost a copy of the ministries. Many in the departments have simply forgotten what truly party work is. There is a continuous duplication of the State Planning Commission, the Council of Ministers. We choke on agreements that last for years on simple issues. […] Apparently, in the new conditions, there is a need to change the structure of the apparatus of the Central Committee of the party as a whole.
[…]Finally, the Central Committee of the CPSU should work out a system of periodic reporting of all leaders and at all levels. I think that this should also apply to the reports of the secretaries of the Central Committee of the CPSU at the Politburo or plenums of the Central Committee of the Party.
[…] Surely the delegates had to deal with issues of social justice in labor collectives. They are always discussed sharply, as they affect a wide range of the most vital human interests. You feel uncomfortable listening to indignation at any manifestations of injustice - today's or already old. […] Therefore, my opinion is that where the benefits of leaders at all levels are not justified, they should be canceled.”

It was also very unusual that Yeltsin, the only one of the high-ranking figures of the "stagnant period", spoke at the congress with self-criticism.

“The delegates may ask me: why didn’t he say this when speaking at the 26th Party Congress? Well. I can answer, and frankly answer: apparently, then there was not enough courage and political experience.

At the congress among the delegates there was only one person with pre-revolutionary party experience.

Decisions of the Congress

Elected at the Congress

Central Committee of the CPSU: 307 members, 170 candidates for members of the Central Committee of the CPSU Central Audit Commission: 83 members

The Central Committee of the CPSU, formed by the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, elected the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU in the amount of 19 people (12 members and 7 candidates).

  • Members: G. A. Aliev, V. I. Vorotnikov, M. S. Gorbachev, A. A. Gromyko, L. N. Zaikov, D. A. Kunaev, E. K. Ligachev, N. I. Ryzhkov, M. S. Solomentsev, V. M. Chebrikov, E. A. Shevardnadze, V. V. Shcherbitsky
  • Candidates: P. N. Demichev, V. I. Dolgikh, B. N. Yeltsin, N. N. Slyunkov, S. L. Sokolov, Yu. F. Soloviev, N. V. Talyzin

During 1987-1990. at the Plenums of the Central Committee of the CPSU, numerous personnel changes were made in the Politburo. As a result, by the time the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU opened (July 1990), the composition of the Politburo looked like this:

  • Members: V. I. Vorotnikov, M. S. Gorbachev, V. A. Ivashko, L. N. Zaikov, E. K. Ligachev, N. I. Ryzhkov, V. A. Kryuchkov, Yu. D. Maslyukov, V. A. Medvedev, N. N. Slyunkov, E. A. Shevardnadze, A. N. Yakovlev.
  • Candidates: A. P. Biryukova, A. V. Vlasov, A. I. Lukyanov, E. M. Primakov, B. K. Pugo, G. P. Razumovsky, D. T. Yazov.

Thus, the composition of the Politburo members was renewed between the congresses exactly by half, the composition of candidates for the Politburo members - by 100%.

The Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU, formed after the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, included 11 people: M. S. Gorbachev (General Secretary), A. P. Biryukova, A. F. Dobrynin, V. I. Dolgikh, L. N. Zaikov, M. V. Zimyanin, E. K. Ligachev, V. A. Medvedev, V. P. Nikonov, G. P. Razumovsky, A. N. Yakovlev.

By the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU, the Secretariat included: M. S. Gorbachev (General Secretary), O. D. Baklanov, A. N. Girenko, L. N. Zaikov, E. K. Ligachev, Yu. A. Manaenkov, V A. Medvedev, G. P. Razumovsky, N. N. Slyunkov, E. S. Stroev, G. I. Usmanov, I. T. Frolov, A. N. Yakovlev

Documents accepted

  • Resolution on the Political Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU
  • The main directions of the economic and social development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the period up to 2000
  • Program of the CPSU (new edition)
  • Charter of the CPSU
  • Regulations on the Central Audit Commission of the CPSU
  • Resolution on letters and appeals addressed to the XXVII Congress of the CPSU

The main result of the Congress

  • Adopted by the Program of the CPSU in a new edition
  • The Main Directions for the Economic and Social Development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the period up to 2000 were approved

Write a review on the article "XXVII Congress of the CPSU"

Notes

Links

  • XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. February 25 - March 6, 1986 Verbatim report. Volume 1. - M.: Politizdat, 1986. - 655 p.
  • XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. February 25 - March 6, 1986 Verbatim report. Volume 2. - M.: Politizdat, 1986. - 320 p.

An excerpt characterizing the XXVII Congress of the CPSU

“Yes, yes, so, so ...” said Pierre, bending forward with his whole body over Princess Mary and eagerly listening to her story. - Yes Yes; so did he calm down? relented? He was always looking for one thing with all the strength of his soul; be quite good that he could not be afraid of death. The faults that were in him, if there were any, did not come from him. So he softened up? Pierre said. “What a blessing that he saw you,” he said to Natasha, suddenly turning to her and looking at her with eyes full of tears.
Natasha's face twitched. She frowned and lowered her eyes for a moment. She hesitated for a minute: to speak or not to speak?
“Yes, it was happiness,” she said in a quiet chesty voice, “for me, it must have been happiness. She paused. - And he ... he ... he said that he wanted this, the minute I came to him ... - Natasha's voice broke off. She blushed, clasped her hands in her lap, and suddenly, evidently making an effort on herself, raised her head and quickly began to say:
– We didn’t know anything when we were driving from Moscow. I didn't dare ask about him. And suddenly Sonya told me that he was with us. I didn’t think anything, I couldn’t imagine what position he was in; I only needed to see him, to be with him,” she said, trembling and panting. And, not allowing herself to be interrupted, she told what she had never told anyone before: everything that she experienced during those three weeks of their journey and life in Yaroslavl.
Pierre listened to her with his mouth open and never taking his eyes off her, full of tears. Listening to her, he did not think about Prince Andrei, nor about death, nor about what she was talking about. He listened to her and only felt sorry for her for the suffering she now experienced as she spoke.
The princess, wrinkled with a desire to hold back her tears, sat beside Natasha and listened for the first time to the story of those last days of love between her brother and Natasha.
This painful and joyful story, apparently, was necessary for Natasha.
She spoke, mixing the most insignificant details with the most intimate secrets, and it seemed that she could never finish. She repeated the same thing several times.
Desalle's voice was heard outside the door, asking if Nikolushka could come in and say goodbye.
“Yes, that’s all, that’s all ...” said Natasha. She quickly got up, while Nikolushka entered, and almost ran to the door, knocked her head against the door, covered with a curtain, and with a groan of pain or sadness escaped from the room.
Pierre looked at the door through which she went out and did not understand why he was suddenly left alone in the whole world.
Princess Marya called him out of absent-mindedness, drawing his attention to his nephew, who entered the room.
Nikolushka's face, resembling his father, in a moment of spiritual softening in which Pierre was now, had such an effect on him that, having kissed Nikolushka, he hastily got up and, taking out a handkerchief, went to the window. He wanted to say goodbye to Princess Mary, but she restrained him.
- No, Natasha and I sometimes do not sleep until three o'clock; please sit down. I'll have supper. Go down; we will come now.
Before Pierre left, the princess said to him:
It was the first time she had spoken of him like that.

Pierre was led into a lighted large dining room; a few minutes later steps were heard, and the princess and Natasha entered the room. Natasha was calm, although a stern expression, without a smile, was now again established on her face. Princess Marya, Natasha, and Pierre equally experienced that feeling of awkwardness that usually follows the end of a serious and heartfelt conversation. It is impossible to continue the previous conversation; it is shameful to talk about trifles, but it is unpleasant to be silent, because you want to talk, but it is as if you are pretending to be silent. They silently approached the table. The waiters pushed back and pulled up the chairs. Pierre unfolded the cold napkin and, deciding to break the silence, looked at Natasha and Princess Mary. Both, obviously, at the same time decided on the same thing: in both eyes, contentment with life shone and the recognition that, in addition to grief, there are also joys.
- Do you drink vodka, Count? - said Princess Marya, and these words suddenly dispersed the shadows of the past.
“Tell me about yourself,” said Princess Mary. “Such incredible miracles are being told about you.
“Yes,” Pierre answered with his now familiar smile of meek mockery. - They even tell me about such miracles, which I have never seen in a dream. Marya Abramovna invited me to her place and kept telling me what had happened to me, or was about to happen. Stepan Stepanitch also taught me how I should tell. In general, I noticed that it is very calm to be an interesting person (I am now an interesting person); They call me and they tell me.
Natasha smiled and wanted to say something.
“We were told,” Princess Mary interrupted her, “that you lost two million in Moscow. Is this true?
“And I became three times richer,” said Pierre. Pierre, despite the fact that his wife's debts and the need for buildings changed his affairs, continued to tell that he had become three times richer.
“What I have undoubtedly won,” he said, “is freedom…” he began seriously; but decided not to continue, noticing that this was too selfish a subject of conversation.
- Are you building?
- Yes, Savelich orders.
- Tell me, did you know about the death of the countess when you stayed in Moscow? - said Princess Mary, and immediately blushed, noticing that, making this question after his words that he was free, she ascribed to his words such a meaning that they, perhaps, did not have.
“No,” answered Pierre, obviously not finding awkward the interpretation that Princess Mary gave to his mention of his freedom. - I learned this in Orel, and you can not imagine how it struck me. We were not exemplary spouses, ”he said quickly, looking at Natasha and noticing in her face the curiosity about how he would respond about his wife. “But this death shocked me terribly. When two people quarrel, both are always to blame. And one's own guilt suddenly becomes terribly heavy in front of a person who is no longer there. And then such a death ... without friends, without consolation. I’m very, very sorry for her, ”he finished, and with pleasure noticed the joyful approval on Natasha’s face.
“Yes, here you are again a bachelor and a groom,” said Princess Mary.
Pierre suddenly blushed crimson and for a long time tried not to look at Natasha. When he ventured to look at her, her face was cold, stern, and even contemptuous, as it seemed to him.
“But you definitely saw and spoke with Napoleon, as we were told?” - said Princess Mary.
Pierre laughed.
- Never, never. It always seems to everyone that being a prisoner means being visiting Napoleon. Not only have I not seen him, but I have not heard of him either. I was in much worse society.
Dinner was over, and Pierre, who at first refused to tell about his captivity, gradually became involved in this story.
“But is it true that you stayed behind to kill Napoleon?” Natasha asked him, smiling slightly. - I then guessed when we met you at the Sukharev Tower; remember?
Pierre admitted that this was true, and from this question, gradually guided by the questions of Princess Mary and especially Natasha, he became involved in a detailed account of his adventures.
At first he spoke with that mocking, meek look that he now had on people, and especially on himself; but then, when he came to the story of the horrors and sufferings that he saw, he, without noticing it, got carried away and began to speak with the restrained excitement of a man who experiences strong impressions in his memory.

RSDLP RSDLP (b) RCP (b) VKP (b) CPSU Party history October Revolution War communism New economic policy Lenin's call Stalinism Khrushchev thaw Period of stagnation Perestroika Party organization Politburo ... ... Wikipedia

The Twentieth Congress of the CPSU was held in Moscow on February 14-25, 1956. He is best known for condemning the cult of personality and, indirectly, Stalin's ideological legacy. Contents 1 General information ... Wikipedia

- (28) XXVIII Congress of the CPSU. (July 1990) ... Wikipedia

Badge issued for the XXII Congress of the CPSU The XXII Congress of the CPSU was held on October 17 ... Wikipedia

The XIX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in Moscow from October 5 to October 14, 1952. The first Congress after 1939. By that time, the party had about 6 million members and about 900,000 candidates. On ... ... Wikipedia

Postage stamp issued for the XXIII Congress of the CPSU XXIII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Held in Moscow from March 29 to April 8, 1966 At the Congress of the ... Wikipedia

Postage stamp issued for the XXIV Congress of the CPSU The XXIV Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in Moscow from March 30 to April 9 ... Wikipedia

Main article: Communist Party of the Soviet Union The 26th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in Moscow from February 23 to March 3, 1981. The congress was attended by 4994 delegates ... Wikipedia

The XXV Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in Moscow from February 24 to March 5, 1976. The congress was attended by 4998 delegates. Contents 1 Order of the day 2 Decisions of the Congress ... Wikipedia

Books

  • Improvement of management. From Experiments to Broad Practice, A. I. Milyukov. The 27th Congress of the CPSU set the task of carrying out a radical reform of the management system. In the twelfth five-year plan, all sectors of the economy will have to be transferred to new methods of management, a brochure ...
  • Political report of the Central Committee of the CPSU to the XXVII Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, M. S. Gorbachev. The 27th Congress of the CPSU gathered at a sharp turning point in the life of the country and the modern world as a whole. We begin work with a deep understanding of our responsibility to the Party and the Soviet...

July 2 marks the 20th anniversary of the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU. It was the last in the history of the party.

Due to internal disagreements, the Congress was unable to adopt a new program, limiting itself to a policy statement. Nevertheless, in his closing speech at the closing of the congress, Gorbachev once again stressed that the party "should resolutely and without delay reorganize all its work and all structures on the basis of the new charter and program statement of the congress in order to effectively fulfill its role in the new conditions. avant-garde parties.

The 28th Congress, after a heated discussion, approved the party "platform", which actually canceled the 1986 program and declared the gradual transition of the CPSU to the position of "democratic socialism".

Paragraph 22 was included in the new charter, which, despite weak stipulations, practically legitimized the federalization of the party, declaring the independence of republican party organizations and giving them the right to develop their own program and regulatory documents, that is, to have their own programs and charters. The adoption of this paragraph meant the liquidation of the CPSU as a single political party and at the same time removed the last weak barriers to the division of the USSR.

The new charter established the election of the general secretary of the Central Committee at the congress. The post of Deputy Secretary General, elected at the congress, was also established.

The Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU held at the end of the 28th Congress (July 13-14, 1990) elected the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, for the first time without candidates for membership. There was a complete renewal of the Politburo, with the exception of the General Secretary. For the first time in history, the Politburo did not include the heads of the government and major political departments.

Thus ended the 28th Party Congress, which turned out to be the last in the history of the Party. Within the CPSU, several opposing currents took shape. And soon the creation of new parties of social democratic and liberal orientation began.

The confrontation between reformist and conservative forces led to an aggravation of crisis phenomena in the party and society. In June 1991, at the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev was subjected to sharp criticism, in response to which he announced that he was resigning from the post of General Secretary. The resignation was rejected, as it threatened the collapse of the CPSU itself.

On August 29, 1991, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR suspended the activities of the CPSU throughout the entire territory of the USSR. A complete ban on the activities of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR was carried out by decree of the President of the RSFSR Boris Yeltsin on November 6, 1991.

In 1992 and subsequent years, a number of communist parties and organizations were created in Russia, the largest of which is the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from open sources

“To ensure the implementation of the measures envisaged by the reform of general education and vocational schools. To create the necessary conditions for the labor training of students and the mastery of one of the mass professions by each graduate of a secondary school.

From the Main directions of the economic and social development of the USSR for 1986-1990 and for the period up to 2000.

S. N. VOLKOV, director of school No. 483 in the Lublin district of Moscow

The beginning of a new academic year is always a step into the future, always the tension of the start. But never, perhaps, has the school faced such changes, attracted such national attention as it does now. This is understandable: the country needs not just educated, but creatively thinking, comprehensively developed people.

The knowledge that the school gave before is clearly not enough now. And it's not that the student needs professional training. It is necessary to more actively form his personality, his aspirations and ideals, his attitude to life.

Although training and education have always been theoretically recognized as two equal sides of the pedagogical process, in fact, education was the leader in the school. And I think that now is the time when education should take the leading place.

Perhaps many teachers will disagree with me. Even in our school there are excellent, talented teachers who consider learning to be the main thing. But this difference of opinion does not prevent us from working together.

Our team has been thinking about labor education for a long time. Three years ago, with the help of the Lenin Komsomol Automobile Plant, they began to build a school training and production workshop. But then we still had no clear idea of ​​what and how the guys would do. Complete clarity was introduced after the publication of documents on the reform of general education and vocational schools.

November-December 1985 will remain in our memory, in the history of the school: it was a time when almost all the guys from the 2nd to the 9th grade came to the newly built workshop and took their jobs.

And the workshop is huge, two-story, its area is almost a thousand square meters, on which there are three production sites, a class of informatics and computer technology.

The turning section has modern equipment, including 5 machines with numerical control; on industrial-grade sewing-sewing machines; at the assembly site of products - special tables. The youngest, second-graders, conduct a labor lesson here, mastering the assembly of the simplest complex - a cartridge and a light bulb, and older children, from fourth to sixth, already assemble car interior handrails and bicycle mirrors.

AZLK has prepared 45 jobs for tenth-graders: 18 in machine-tool production, 15 in body assembly and 12 in production management.

If I add that we have 10 displays installed in the class of computer science and computer technology, it becomes clear what huge funds the plant and the state have invested in school equipment. But these investments will not justify themselves, will not give the proper result, if we do not instill in the children the need to work, we do not let them see, feel how creative the labor of a worker can be and how interesting, spiritually rich his way of life can be.

This was understood by both teachers and leaders of AZLK. The doors of the factory Palace of Culture are open to the children - here you can study in circles, listen to music, watch performances. They have access to the factory sports complex - swim in the pool, run, jump, skate! Our Octobrists are accepted as pioneers in the AZLK museum, our high school students have the opportunity to visit the Komsomol factory committee, the party committee, and even the general director's office. And even more often we receive plant managers at our place - we accept them as guests, as friends, as people with whom we solve common problems: -

It is customary to judge the quality of the work of the teaching staff by how many "school graduates go to universities. I do not argue, this is a serious indicator of the depth and strength of the knowledge gained at school. But I am no less pleased with the number of graduates who linked their fate with the plant, because this is one from indicators of their social maturity.

For example, it was very pleasant that a tenth-grader of our school, Natasha Novikova, was one of the first among the schoolgirls of the capital to respond to the call of the girls from the car factory: “CNC machines are waiting for us.”

The tenth-graders of our school receive, together with a matriculation certificate, a certificate of acquisition of one of the very modern professions that are very necessary for today's national economy: an operator of CNC machine tools; computer's operator; robotics technician. They can go to AZLK or to another plant and become skilled workers. And then, maybe, one of them will go to a technical university - evening, correspondence, whatever.

The massive enrollment from the tenth grade to the institutes seems to me an achievement of yesterday. After all, many people with such a premature higher education do not work in their specialty, occupy random positions. What an irrational waste of money, time, effort, what a loss both for society and for the individual!

Recently, in June, we hosted an eighth grade graduation party. 15 children were sent to vocational school No. 148 at AZLK, someone to medical and pedagogical schools, someone to the ninth grade. And the school admonished everyone: study, work, check your choice! One eighth-grader entered a special school at the Faculty of Biology of Moscow State University. The school revealed in this teenager a penchant for the natural sciences, and we are convinced that this will be his calling.

Giving a student the right advice about choosing a profession is a very responsible and very difficult task. To do this, you need to have knowledge in the field of pedagogy, psychology, physiology, to know the main features of many professions. There are still few career guidance specialists in the country. Over time, of course, they will. What to do today? We strive to ensure that every teacher is engaged in professional orientation, and this requires a certain restructuring of his, if I may say so, "pedagogical consciousness."

We have created a vocational guidance office at the school, which is managed by the Deputy Director for Educational and Industrial Work. Every student knows that you can come here at certain hours to get advice. We are able to apply here such traditional methods as questionnaires and conduct tests. But no one-time tests, no separate laboratory data will give such an effect as constant thoughtful observation of the student gives. After all, if things are well organized in the school, then, in essence, the teacher and the student are included in a long-term experiment. You see a student every day, you see him at his desk, at the bench, on a camping trip, in the gym, you work with him, and he manifests himself so brightly and prominently, so dynamically that it becomes easy to understand his inclinations, to assess the possibilities. And it seems that today we should not passively wait for career guidance specialists, but become such specialists.

And one more thing: the school should have traditions of vocational guidance. For example, we do not hide our passion for AZLK. But our main task is to educate not necessarily an automaker, but definitely a person who would come to any industry with a willingness to work with full dedication, to introduce elements of innovation into his business, to be a collectivist in the highest sense of the word.

From the rostrum of the XXVII Congress of the CPSU, the idea sounded very clearly: the outlined plans for the socio-economic development of the country will become a reality only if every Soviet person is hard at work. “What we do ourselves, we will have, and that is how we will live,” MS Gorbachev said in his Political Report to the Congress.

Each person comprehends this immutable truth in his concrete work. It must also be comprehended by those who are on the verge of an independent life:

How do we lead our students to this? There is, for example, a tourist club at the school. Older guys go on long trips, travel around the country; in the summer they even go to the Arctic. But tourists need equipment - tents, sleeping bags, they need money for trips. The school, of course, does not have such funds. And the club is equipped at the expense of the funds that the guys themselves earn in the training and production workshop and at the factory.

Yes, our students receive money. Some are embarrassed by it. And I think it's right! The child is spoiled by free money, begged from parents, obtained dishonestly, and labor, a penny brings up.

The question of how to spend their earnings, the guys decide themselves at class meetings. The money goes to the needs of the class - to go to the theater, excursions, purchase books, equipment for our technical circles, for the studio of musical and aesthetic education. And it becomes obvious: if you work better, you will live more interestingly!

But there is another side to all this: when receiving some benefits, even though they are earned, one must be able (and want to!) Share with others. And this is what we are teaching our children.

The school has a wonderful stadium, built, by the way, also with the help of AZLK. In the morning, physical education classes are held at the stadium, and in the evening, young people from almost the entire microdistrict gather here to play and organize competitions. And never any conflicts, fights, hooligan acts, the elders never offend the younger ones. Such is the style here, such an order.

The same tourist club does not work in a "close circle" - tourism enthusiasts organize trips for the entire school.

Recently, we at our school, following the example of the Palace of Culture of AZLK, held a holiday "Rest with the whole family." All the children, from the first to the tenth grade, came with their parents, and at the same time there were one and a half thousand people in the school. We provided them with an assembly hall, a stadium, a workshop - everything we have! We also had competitions “Mom, dad and I are a sports family”, and a concert, and games, together with parents and teachers, and a treat prepared by the children. Having spent such a day for the first time, we thought that traditional pedagogy sometimes does not use simple and affordable means of strengthening the relationship between family and school. But the Program of the CPSU in its new edition, among the measures designed to improve the education and upbringing of the younger generation, calls precisely the deepening of interaction between the family, school and work collective.

Now the school has an idea: to create a club for parents. Here they will not discuss the progress and discipline of their children - for such discussions there are parent meetings, meetings with class teachers. Here, together with the children, they will arrange interesting excursions, theater evenings, maybe lectures and debates. In general, it is assumed that in the club parents will work together with children and teachers, together they will develop elements of a healthy lifestyle.

Such a wide range of tasks and actions is dictated to us by the school reform. And if all these tasks are merged together, then we can probably say: we, all together - teachers, parents, business leaders, must educate the younger generation to be physically and morally healthy, must develop a life motto for every young person: “I am responsible for everything !"

20th Congress of the CPSU, took place in Moscow February 14-25, 1956. He is best known for condemning the cult of personality and, indirectly, Stalin's ideological legacy.

The main events that made the congress famous took place on the last day of work, February 25, at a closed morning session. On this day, N. S. Khrushchev delivered a closed report “On the cult of personality and its consequences”, which was dedicated to the condemnation of the personality cult of I. V. Stalin.

It voiced a new point of view on the recent past of the country, listing numerous facts of the crimes of the second half of the 1930s and early 1950s, the blame for which was laid on Stalin. The report also raised the problem of the rehabilitation of party and military leaders who were repressed under Stalin.

According to the journalist American newspapers The Washington Post , Ann Applebaum :

The purpose of Khrushchev's report was not only the liberation of his compatriots, but also the consolidation of personal power and the intimidation of party opponents, who also took part [in the repression] with great enthusiasm.

The resolution of the congress states that in international development radical changes took place in the direction of strengthening the positions of socialism. The main feature of the era is the emergence of socialism beyond the boundaries of one country and its transformation into a world system. Under the pressure of the national liberation struggle of the peoples, the colonial system of imperialism was disintegrating. The congress noted that the situation in the capitalist world, whose zone had narrowed significantly, was characterized by a further growth of profound social contradictions. The general crisis of the capitalist system continues to deepen.

It was stated that two opposite directions were determined in the development of international events. The imperialist powers, led by reactionary American circles, are trying to suppress the working-class, democratic and national liberation movement, undermine the camp of socialism and establish their world domination. On the other hand, forces advocating lasting peace and the security of peoples are growing on the world stage. "The decisive factor in this," the resolution of the congress states, "is the steady strengthening of the international camp of socialism, which is exerting an ever-increasing influence on the course of world events" (XX Congress of the CPSU. Verbatim report, vol. 2, 1956, p. 411). The most active and consistent fighters against the military threat are the communist parties. Fraternal relations with all socialist countries must be strengthened in every possible way on the basis of the Leninist principles of equal rights for peoples and proletarian internationalism. The congress obliged the Central Committee of the CPSU to continue unswervingly to fight for the cause of peace and the security of peoples, to vigilantly monitor the intrigues of the enemies of peace, and to take the necessary measures to strengthen the defensive might of the Soviet state and ensure the security of the USSR.

Transformation of totalitarian regimes

The main actors of external transformational influence are the media, certain state institutions and certain politicians of Western countries, as well as, of course, the corresponding intelligence structures.

Let us name the main factors in the transformation of the imposed totalitarian regimes in Eastern Europe:

    Stalin's death, which set off a cautious de-Stalinization trend.

    Condemnation of N.S. Khrushchev at the 20th Congress of the CPSU of Stalinist repressions and Stalin's "personality cult", which, in particular, led to increased control over the security agencies by official state and party authorities.

    The crisis of the social model of socialism in the countries of Eastern Europe: the collapse of the illusion of the imminent arrival of communism, the intensification of the desire to acquire material goods, the realization of the undemocratic nature of society and one's own lack of rights.

    The cessation of terror after the 20th Congress of the CPSU caused mass social movements in Eastern Europe directed against totalitarian institutions.

    After the onset of the "thaw" of the late 1950s, the ideas of the so-called "third way" - "neither capitalism nor socialism" began to emerge in various forms and function in the public consciousness of the countries of Eastern Europe.

    However, most of these factors, as is obvious, are associated not so much with internal as with external factors in the development of these societies.

Have questions?

Report a typo

Text to be sent to our editors: