POLITICAL SYSTEM REFORM

"Personnel revolution". Like his predecessors, Gorbachev began the transformation by changing the “team”. In a short time, 70% of the leaders of the regional committees of the CPSU and more than half of the ministers of the Union government were removed from their posts.

The composition of the CPSU Central Committee was significantly updated. In 1985-1987 More than half of the Politburo members and Central Committee secretaries were replaced. At one April (1989) plenum of the Central Committee, out of 460 members and candidates for membership of the Central Committee, 110 people were immediately dismissed.

Under the slogan of the fight against “conservatism,” the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU V.V. Grishin, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine V.V. Shcherbitsky, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan D.A. Kunaev, the first deputy chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers were dismissed from work G. A. Aliev and others. Taking into account the real role of the party apparatus, Gorbachev replaced almost 85% of the leading personnel of the CPSU Central Committee - the pillars of the management system.

Soon all the key positions in the party and state were filled only with Gorbachev’s appointees. However, things still moved with great difficulty. It became clear that serious political reform was needed.

Political reform of 1988. The turning point in the political situation came in 1987. Society expected quick changes, but they did not happen. Gorbachev later called this time the first serious crisis of “perestroika.” There was only one way out of it - democratization of society.

The January (1987) plenum of the Central Committee decided to convene (after a 46-year break) the All-Union Party Conference, on the agenda of which it was decided to include the issue of preparing a reform of the political system. As the famous artist M.A. Ulyanov said, speaking at the plenum, “the time of cogs has passed... The time has come for the people who govern their own state.”

In May 1987, the first demonstration not sanctioned by the authorities took place in Moscow under the slogan: “Down with the saboteurs of perestroika!” In September, Moscow authorities were the first in the country to adopt regulations on the procedure for holding mass processions and demonstrations. Since then, Manezhnaya Square in the capital has become a place of mass rallies.

In the summer of 1987, elections to local authorities were held. For the first time, it was allowed to nominate several candidates for one deputy seat. Control over voter turnout was removed. The result forced the authorities to think: the number of votes against candidates increased almost tenfold, the absence of voters at polling stations became widespread, and in 9 districts elections did not take place at all. “Seditious inscriptions” appeared on the ballots.

In the summer of 1988, the XIX All-Union Party Conference of the CPSU took place, announcing the beginning of political reform. Its main idea was an attempt to combine the incompatible: the classical Soviet political model, which assumed the autocracy of the Soviets, with the liberal one, based on the separation of powers. It was proposed: to create a new supreme body of state power - the Congress of People's Deputies; turn the Supreme Council into a permanent “parliament”; update the electoral legislation (introduce alternative elections, as well as the election of deputies not only in districts, but also from public organizations); create a Constitutional Supervision Committee responsible for monitoring compliance with the Basic Law. However, the main point of the reform was the redistribution of power from party structures to Soviet ones, created in the course of relatively free elections. This was the strongest blow to the party nomenklatura in all the years of its existence, as it undermined the very foundations of its existence.

However, this decision not only deprived Gorbachev of the support of this influential part of society, but also forced her to seize personal ownership of what was previously only under her control.

In the spring of 1989, according to the new electoral law, elections of people's deputies of the USSR were held. At the First Congress of People's Deputies, Gorbachev was elected chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

A year later, elections were held in the union republics, where the “competition” was 8 people for one deputy mandate.

Now the initiative to reform the country has passed to representatives of the people elected through open elections. They soon supplemented the political reform with new provisions. Chief among them was the idea of ​​building a rule of law state in which equality of citizens before the law would be truly ensured. The implementation of this provision in practice led to the abolition of Article 6 of the constitution on the leading role of the CPSU. Feeling that power was beginning to slip away, Gorbachev agreed to the proposal to establish the post of president and was elected the first (and, as it turned out, last) President of the USSR.

Revival of multi-party system. The crisis of communist ideology and the “slipping” of the reforms carried out by Gorbachev led to the fact that people began to look for a way out of the current situation on ideological and political principles other than communist ones.

The group of V. I. Novodvorskaya, which adopted the name “Democratic Union,” proclaimed itself the first opposition party in May 1988. At the same time, popular fronts arose in the Baltic republics, becoming the first mass independent organizations. Despite the fact that all these groups and associations declared “support for perestroika,” they represented the most diverse areas of political thought.

The liberal movement included representatives of the Democratic Union, several organizations of Christian Democrats, constitutional democrats, and liberal democrats. The most massive political organization of a liberal bent, uniting representatives of various movements, was the “Democratic Party of Russia” by N. I. Travkin, created in May 1990.

Socialists and Social Democrats were united in the “Socialist Party”, “Social Democratic Association” and “Social Democratic Party of Russia”.

Anarchists created the Confederation of Anarcho-Syndicalists and the Anarcho-Communist Revolutionary Union.

National parties first began to form in the Baltic and Transcaucasian republics.

However, with all the diversity of these parties and movements, the main struggle was between communists and liberals. Moreover, in the conditions of a growing economic and political crisis, the political weight of the liberals (they were called “democrats”) increased every day.

State and church. The beginning of democratization of society could not but affect the relations between the state and the church. During the 1989 elections, representatives of the main religious confessions were elected as people's deputies of the USSR. It was significantly weakened, and after the abolition of Article 6 of the constitution, party-state control over the activities of church organizations was completely abolished.

The return of religious buildings and shrines to believers has begun. The oldest Moscow St. Daniel Monastery was returned to the Russian Orthodox Church, which became the residence of the patriarch. With special solemnity, the relics of Alexander Nevsky, Seraphim of Sarov and other saints were transferred from the storerooms of the “museums of the history of religion and atheism” to the churches. The construction of new churches, houses of worship, mosques, and synagogues began. Restrictions and prohibitions on the participation of citizens in church ceremonies were lifted. The crisis of communist ideology led to an increase in religious sentiment in society.

After the death of Patriarch Pimen of Moscow and All Rus', Alexy II was elected the new primate of the Russian Orthodox Church in June 1990. With his arrival, the country's most massive religious organization entered a new period in its history, and its authority both in the country and in the world grew significantly.

The changes that occurred during the years of “perestroika” again made the church one of the authoritative and independent elements of society.

The crisis of the CPSU: origins and consequences. The most dramatic during the years of “perestroika” was the fate of the Communist Party, which ruled for many years. Having initiated the renewal of society, she was never able to “restructure” herself in time and survive in the political arena. One of the main reasons for this was the special role that the CPSU played in the life of the country for decades.

At first, nothing foreshadowed the crisis of the party. Moreover, its authority among the people in the first years of change grew noticeably, and its numbers increased from 17 million to 21 million people. For the majority of those who joined the party, it was a sincere impulse, a desire to contribute to the renewal of the country. But for others it is an opportunity to make a career, get an apartment, or travel abroad as a tourist. The many-hour discussions of the draft theses of the CPSU Central Committee for the 19th Party Conference were sincere, during which the Communists proposed ideas for updating their party.

However, the crisis of communist ideology and the lack of changes in the ruling party, and then the abolition of Article 6 of the constitution, brought it to the brink of crisis. In January 1990, the “Democratic Platform in the CPSU” was created, which advocated a serious reform of the party on the principles of democracy, with its subsequent transformation into a regular parliamentary party. Following her, other movements arose in the CPSU. However, the leadership of the party, rejecting any attempts to reform it, actually led to the political death of the huge organization. On the eve of the 28th Congress of the CPSU, the Central Committee published its own platform “Towards a humane, democratic socialism”, so abstract that in party organizations both the left and right flanks began to call it “Towards a vague, demagogic socialism”.

Meanwhile, the conservative-minded part of the CPSU leadership made an attempt to take shape organizationally. In the summer of 1990, the Communist Party of the RSFSR was created, which stood for a return to the previous model of the CPSU.

As a result, the party arrived at the 28th Congress in July 1990, which became the last in the history of the CPSU, in a state of split. There were three main currents in it: radical reformist (“Democratic Platform”), moderate-renovationist (Gorbachev’s group) and conservative (Communist Party of the RSFSR). The congress did not bring the party out of the crisis either. On the contrary, without waiting for reform decisions, the Democratic Platform left the CPSU. Gorbachev himself, having become President of the USSR in March 1990, practically stopped dealing with internal party affairs. This meant a strengthening of the conservative position. In the fall of 1990, the leadership of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, without discussion in party organizations, approved its program document, which condemned the decisions of the last congress of the CPSU for “non-socialist guidelines for perestroika.” Some members of the CPSU Central Committee demanded Gorbachev's resignation from the post of General Secretary.

Under these conditions, the exit of CPSU members from the party became widespread. In a short time, the number of communists was reduced to 15 million people. Moreover, both those who supported the idea of ​​reforms and those who rejected them left it. There was a need for an organizational demarcation of the currents that existed in the CPSU. This was supposed to happen at the XXIX Congress in the fall of 1991. According to Gorbachev’s plan, the party was supposed to “return to the tracks of social democracy with which it began in 1898.” However, this never happened due to the acute political crisis in August 1991.

What you need to know about this topic:

Socio-economic and political development of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. Nicholas II.

Internal policy of tsarism. Nicholas II. Increased repression. "Police Socialism"

Russo-Japanese War. Reasons, progress, results.

Revolution 1905 - 1907 Character, driving forces and features of the Russian revolution of 1905-1907. stages of the revolution. The reasons for the defeat and the significance of the revolution.

Elections to the State Duma. I State Duma. The agrarian question in the Duma. Dispersal of the Duma. II State Duma. Coup d'etat of June 3, 1907

Third June political system. Electoral law June 3, 1907 III State Duma. The alignment of political forces in the Duma. Activities of the Duma. Government terror. Decline of the labor movement in 1907-1910.

Stolypin agrarian reform.

IV State Duma. Party composition and Duma factions. Activities of the Duma.

Political crisis in Russia on the eve of the war. Labor movement in the summer of 1914. Crisis at the top.

International position of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century.

The beginning of the First World War. Origin and nature of the war. Russia's entry into the war. Attitude to the war of parties and classes.

Progress of military operations. Strategic forces and plans of the parties. Results of the war. The role of the Eastern Front in the First World War.

The Russian economy during the First World War.

Worker and peasant movement in 1915-1916. Revolutionary movement in the army and navy. The growth of anti-war sentiment. Formation of the bourgeois opposition.

Russian culture of the 19th - early 20th centuries.

The aggravation of socio-political contradictions in the country in January-February 1917. The beginning, prerequisites and nature of the revolution. Uprising in Petrograd. Formation of the Petrograd Soviet. Temporary Committee of the State Duma. Order N I. Formation of the Provisional Government. Abdication of Nicholas II. The reasons for the emergence of dual power and its essence. The February revolution in Moscow, at the front, in the provinces.

From February to October. The policy of the Provisional Government regarding war and peace, on agrarian, national, and labor issues. Relations between the Provisional Government and the Soviets. Arrival of V.I. Lenin in Petrograd.

Political parties (Cadets, Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Bolsheviks): political programs, influence among the masses.

Crises of the Provisional Government. Attempted military coup in the country. The growth of revolutionary sentiment among the masses. Bolshevization of the capital's Soviets.

Preparation and conduct of an armed uprising in Petrograd.

II All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Decisions about power, peace, land. Formation of government and management bodies. Composition of the first Soviet government.

Victory of the armed uprising in Moscow. Government agreement with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries. Elections to the Constituent Assembly, its convocation and dispersal.

The first socio-economic transformations in the fields of industry, agriculture, finance, labor and women's issues. Church and State.

Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, its terms and significance.

Economic tasks of the Soviet government in the spring of 1918. Aggravation of the food issue. Introduction of food dictatorship. Working food detachments. Combeds.

The revolt of the left Socialist Revolutionaries and the collapse of the two-party system in Russia.

The first Soviet Constitution.

Causes of intervention and civil war. Progress of military operations. Human and material losses during the civil war and military intervention.

Domestic policy of the Soviet leadership during the war. "War communism". GOELRO plan.

The policy of the new government regarding culture.

Foreign policy. Treaties with border countries. Russia's participation in the Genoa, Hague, Moscow and Lausanne conferences. Diplomatic recognition of the USSR by the main capitalist countries.

Domestic policy. Socio-economic and political crisis of the early 20s. Famine 1921-1922 Transition to a new economic policy. The essence of NEP. NEP in the field of agriculture, trade, industry. Financial reform. Economic recovery. Crises during the NEP period and its collapse.

Projects for the creation of the USSR. I Congress of Soviets of the USSR. The first government and the Constitution of the USSR.

Illness and death of V.I. Lenin. Intra-party struggle. The beginning of the formation of Stalin's regime.

Industrialization and collectivization. Development and implementation of the first five-year plans. Socialist competition - goal, forms, leaders.

Formation and strengthening of the state system of economic management.

The course towards complete collectivization. Dispossession.

Results of industrialization and collectivization.

Political, national-state development in the 30s. Intra-party struggle. Political repression. Formation of the nomenklatura as a layer of managers. Stalin's regime and the USSR Constitution of 1936

Soviet culture in the 20-30s.

Foreign policy of the second half of the 20s - mid-30s.

Domestic policy. Growth of military production. Emergency measures in the field of labor legislation. Measures to solve the grain problem. Armed forces. The growth of the Red Army. Military reform. Repressions against the command cadres of the Red Army and the Red Army.

Foreign policy. Non-aggression pact and treaty of friendship and borders between the USSR and Germany. The entry of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus into the USSR. Soviet-Finnish war. Inclusion of the Baltic republics and other territories into the USSR.

Periodization of the Great Patriotic War. The initial stage of the war. Turning the country into a military camp. Military defeats 1941-1942 and their reasons. Major military events. Surrender of Nazi Germany. Participation of the USSR in the war with Japan.

Soviet rear during the war.

Deportation of peoples.

Guerrilla warfare.

Human and material losses during the war.

Creation of an anti-Hitler coalition. Declaration of the United Nations. The problem of the second front. "Big Three" conferences. Problems of post-war peace settlement and comprehensive cooperation. USSR and UN.

The beginning of the Cold War. The USSR's contribution to the creation of the "socialist camp". CMEA education.

Domestic policy of the USSR in the mid-40s - early 50s. Restoration of the national economy.

Social and political life. Policy in the field of science and culture. Continued repression. "Leningrad case". Campaign against cosmopolitanism. "The Doctors' Case"

Socio-economic development of Soviet society in the mid-50s - the first half of the 60s.

Socio-political development: XX Congress of the CPSU and condemnation of Stalin’s personality cult. Rehabilitation of victims of repression and deportation. Internal party struggle in the second half of the 50s.

Foreign policy: creation of the Department of Internal Affairs. Entry of Soviet troops into Hungary. Exacerbation of Soviet-Chinese relations. Split of the "socialist camp". Soviet-American relations and the Cuban missile crisis. USSR and "third world" countries. Reduction in the size of the armed forces of the USSR. Moscow Treaty on the Limitation of Nuclear Tests.

USSR in the mid-60s - first half of the 80s.

Socio-economic development: economic reform of 1965

Increasing difficulties in economic development. Declining rates of socio-economic growth.

Constitution of the USSR 1977

Social and political life of the USSR in the 1970s - early 1980s.

Foreign policy: Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Consolidation of post-war borders in Europe. Moscow Treaty with Germany. Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Soviet-American treaties of the 70s. Soviet-Chinese relations. Entry of Soviet troops into Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan. Exacerbation of international tension and the USSR. Strengthening Soviet-American confrontation in the early 80s.

USSR in 1985-1991

Domestic policy: an attempt to accelerate the socio-economic development of the country. An attempt to reform the political system of Soviet society. Congresses of People's Deputies. Election of the President of the USSR. Multi-party system. Exacerbation of the political crisis.

Exacerbation of the national question. Attempts to reform the national-state structure of the USSR. Declaration of State Sovereignty of the RSFSR. "Novoogaryovsky trial". Collapse of the USSR.

Foreign policy: Soviet-American relations and the problem of disarmament. Agreements with leading capitalist countries. Withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. Changing relations with the countries of the socialist community. Collapse of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the Warsaw Pact Organization.

Russian Federation in 1992-2000.

Domestic policy: “Shock therapy” in the economy: price liberalization, stages of privatization of commercial and industrial enterprises. Fall in production. Increased social tension. Growth and slowdown in financial inflation. Intensification of the struggle between the executive and legislative branches. Dissolution of the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies. October events of 1993. Abolition of local bodies of Soviet power. Elections to the Federal Assembly. Constitution of the Russian Federation 1993 Formation of a presidential republic. Exacerbation and overcoming national conflicts in the North Caucasus.

Parliamentary elections of 1995. Presidential elections of 1996. Power and opposition. An attempt to return to the course of liberal reforms (spring 1997) and its failure. Financial crisis of August 1998: causes, economic and political consequences. "Second Chechen War". Parliamentary elections of 1999 and early presidential elections of 2000. Foreign policy: Russia in the CIS. Participation of Russian troops in “hot spots” of the neighboring countries: Moldova, Georgia, Tajikistan. Relations between Russia and foreign countries. Withdrawal of Russian troops from Europe and neighboring countries. Russian-American agreements. Russia and NATO. Russia and the Council of Europe. Yugoslav crises (1999-2000) and Russia’s position.

• Danilov A.A., Kosulina L.G. History of the state and peoples of Russia. XX century.

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Text content of presentation slides: Repeat questions Relations with the West; Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE); Regional conflicts; Afghan war; Relations with socialist countries. "Brezhnev Doctrine". Reform of the political system: goals, stages, results Lesson 48. Homework §47 read; answer the questions to §47; learn new words and write definitions in the dictionary; complete the tasks in the workbook for §47. Plan 1. Background of perestroika; 2. “Personnel revolution”; 3. Reform 1988;4. Formation of a multi-party system;5. National politics and interethnic relations;6. The August political crisis of 1991 and its consequences 1. Background to perestroika After the death of Brezhnev, Yu.V. became the head of the party and state. Andropov Yuri VladimirovichAndropov In one of his first speeches, Andropov admitted the existence of many unresolved problems. Taking measures to establish elementary order and eradicate corruption, Andropov advocated the preservation and renewal of the existing system, advocating nothing more than cleansing it from obvious abuses and costs. Andropov’s activities were met among the people with sympathy, gave rise to people's hope for changes for the better 1. Background to perestroika In February 1984, Andropov died, and K. U. Chernenko (1984-1985) became the head of the CPSU, and then the state (1984-1985) Konstantin Ustinovich Chernenko An old and sick man , he spent most of his time on treatment or rest. Under Chernenko, the wing in the leadership that advocated a more radical renewal of society was finally formed and strengthened its position. Its recognized leader was M. S. Gorbachev, who was the second person in the party under Chernenko, who was increasingly quickly gaining political authority. 1. Background to perestroika On March 10, 1985, Chernenko died. The Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee elected M.S. General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Gorbachev Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachev Poster from the time of Perestroika (1985-1991) The era of perestroika (1985-1991) 2. “Personnel revolution” The new leadership came to power without a clear concept and program of change Gorbachev later admitted that at first only the improvement of the society that had been established over the past decades was envisaged and correcting “individual deformations” of socialism With this approach, one of the main directions of change was the change of personnel. In January 1987, the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee recognized the need, in order to accelerate reforms, to select personnel based on the main criterion - their support for the goals and ideas of perestroika. In 1985-1990 . there was a massive replacement and rejuvenation of party and state personnel at the central and local levels 3. Reform of 1988 However, very soon the initiators of perestroika realized that simply replacing personnel could not solve the country’s problems. A serious political reform was needed in the summer of 1988 - issues of reform of the political system were discussed at the XIX All-Union Party Conference. Gorbachev proposed to formulate a new supreme body of power - the Congress of People's Deputies, to turn the Supreme Council into a permanent parliament. In the spring of 1989, elections of people's deputies of the USSR were held under a new electoral law. At the First Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (May - June 1989), Gorbachev was elected Chairman of the Supreme Council of the USSR. The Congress consisted of 2,250 deputies elected for 5 years. 3. Reform of 1988. At the proposal of people's deputies, the concept of political reform in 1990-91. was supplemented by a number of important provisions. The main one was the idea of ​​​​building a rule of law state (where equality of all before the law is ensured). The III Congress of People's Deputies in March 1990 considered it expedient to introduce the post of President of the USSR, which became M.S. Gorbachev At the same time, Article 6 of the USSR Constitution, which secured the monopoly position of the CPSU in society, was abolished. This opened up the possibility for the formation of a legal multi-party system in the Soviet Union 4. Formation of a multi-party system As the political initiative of the CPSU was lost in the country, the process of forming new political parties intensified in 1988 - “ Democratic Union" V. Novodvorskaya 1990 - “Democratic Party” 1991 - Liberal Democratic Party 4. Formation of a multi-party system With all the diversity of these parties and movements, at the center of the political struggle, as in 1917, there were again two directions - communist and liberal. Communists called to the primary development of public property, collectivist forms of social relations and self-government. Liberals (“democrats”) advocated the privatization of property, personal freedom, a system of full-fledged parliamentary democracy, and the transition to a market economy. The positions of the liberals, who sharply criticized the evils of the outdated system, were more preferable to the public than attempts justify the existence of previous relations 4. Formation of a multi-party system In June 1990, the Communist Party of the RSFSR was formed, the leadership of which took a rather traditionalist position. In 1990, by the 28th Congress of the CPSU, the ruling party came in a state of split radical-reformist reformist-renovationist traditionalist Rapid changes, democratization of society, market economy Thoughtful and gradual changes within the existing social system Preservation of existing social relations with minor changes 4. Formation of a multi-party system The Congress not only did not overcome the crisis in the party, but, without proposing a specific program for restructuring the CPSU, especially its primary organizations, contributed to its deepening. Exit from the party became widespread (from 1985 to the summer of 1991, the number of the CPSU decreased from 21 to 15 million people) In the leadership of the CPSU, attacks on Gorbachev and the perestroika course have become more frequent. In April and July 1991, a number of members of the Central Committee demanded his resignation 5. National politics and interethnic relations The beginning of democratization of society, the policy of “glasnost” made the resuscitation of the national question inevitable. In December 1987, in response to the appointment of G. Kolbin instead of the dismissed leader of Kazakhstan D. Kunaeva, Kazakh youth staged mass protests in Almaty. On February 20, 1988, at an extraordinary session of the regional council of Nagorno-Karabakh, a decision was made to petition the Supreme Councils of Azerbaijan and Armenia to withdraw the region from the AzSSR and include it in the Armenian SSR. The response to this decision was pogroms and massacre of Armenians in Sumgait. Under these conditions, Gorbachev sent troops to Sumgait 5. National politics and interethnic relations In April 1989, the army dispersed a demonstration of national democratic forces in Tbilisi. During the ousting of the demonstrators, 16 rally participants died at the scene, and three soon died in the hospital 5. National politics and interethnic relations At the same time, the reform of the political system that began to be implemented steadily led to an even greater intensification of the national movement. On May 18, 1989, Lithuania was the first of the Soviet republics to adopt the Declaration of Sovereignty. In June 1989, an interethnic conflict followed between the Uzbeks and Meskhetian Turks in Uzbekistan On March 11, 1990, the Supreme Council of Lithuania adopted the Act of Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Lithuania on June 12, 1990. The Declaration of State Sovereignty was adopted by the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR. All this forced the leadership to take measures to formalize a new union treaty. Its first draft was published on July 24, 1990. 6. The August political crisis of 1991 and its consequences By the summer of 1991, most of the union republics of the USSR adopted laws on sovereignty, which forced Gorbachev to accelerate the development of a new Union Treaty. Its signing was scheduled for August 20 The signing of the new Union Treaty meant not only the preservation of a single state, but also the transition to its real federal structure. In an effort to prevent this, conservative forces in the country's leadership attempted to disrupt the signing of the treaty. On the night of August 19, 1991, the State Committee for a State of Emergency (GKChP) was created 6 . The August political crisis of 1991 and its consequences 6. The August political crisis of 1991 and its consequences The State Emergency Committee introduced a state of emergency in certain areas of the country; declared the power structures that acted contrary to the 1977 Constitution disbanded; suspended the activities of opposition parties and movements; banned rallies and demonstrations; established tight control over the media; sent troops to Moscow. Decree of the State Emergency Committee 6. The August political crisis of 1991 and its consequences The leadership of the RSFSR (President B. Yeltsin, Head of Government I. Silaev, First Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council R. Khasbulatov) issued an appeal to the Russians, in which they condemned the actions of the State Emergency Committee as an anti-constitutional coup , and the State Emergency Committee itself and its decisions declared illegal At the call of the President of Russia, tens of thousands of Muscovites took up defensive positions around the White House of Russia 6. The August political crisis of 1991 and its consequences August 21 - USSR President Gorbachev returned to Moscow. Members of the State Emergency Committee were arrested. The weakening of the central government led to increased separatist sentiments in the leadership of the republics. After the events of August 1991, most of the republics refused to sign the Union Treaty. In December 1991, the leaders of the Russian Federation, Ukraine and Belarus announced the termination of the 1922 Union Treaty and their intention to create the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) 6. August political crisis of 1991 . and its consequences It initially united 11 former Soviet republics (without Georgia and the Baltic states). L. KravchukS. ShushkevichB. Yeltsin 6. The August 1991 political crisis and its consequences In December 1991, President Gorbachev resigned. The USSR ceased to exist. The collapse of the USSR “the largest geopolitical catastrophe of the century” V.V. Putin

Perestroika in the USSR and reform of the political system

The beginning of perestroika is directly associated with the arrival to the post of General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee M.S. Gorbachev in 1985. However, awareness of the need for reforms came to the Soviet leadership in the early 80s, as evidenced by the activities of Yu.V. Andropova. Andropov's death led to the cessation of attempts to make any changes. Yet the process of change was inevitable, driven by the comprehensive crisis of the system.

However, from the point of view of the Soviet political leadership, the situation looked much less alarming: yes, they understood the need for changes, but believed that they could limit themselves to carrying them out only in the economic sphere. As a matter of fact, by 1985, the reformers’ baggage had changed little in comparison with the ideas of Yu.V. Andropova. The same idea of ​​establishing order and discipline in production prevailed, as a result of which the accumulated shortcomings would be corrected and socialism would be able to begin a rapid and progressive movement forward. This movement began to be increasingly called “acceleration,” which was supposed to lead to the main goal of the entire perestroika - the renewal of socialism, giving it greater dynamism and the ability to withstand competition with Western countries.

HELL. Sakharov on the podium of the Congress of People's Deputies

The direction in which economic transformations were moving also turned out to be traditional - they developed in line with the experience of the reform of 1965. An attempt was made to increase the independence of economic units, to search for an optimal “cost accounting model”. The highest achievement of this line was the lease of a state enterprise by its collective. The experience of implementing the NEP was not forgotten either: as a means of compensating for the low efficiency of state forms of production that poorly stimulated workers, cooperation was put forward, which was relatively safe from an ideological point of view - as a social form of production activity, at the same time including personal material interest. Although not based on common sense and without producing any particular economic effect, economic reforms still played a very significant role - they contributed to the emergence and development of the idea of ​​using market methods in the Soviet economic system. In general, carried out in 1985–1991. economic policy demonstrated a clear inability of the political leadership to move beyond traditional ideological ideas and an unwillingness to take consistent and decisive steps.

But the point is not only, and not even so much, the inability of the top leaders of the USSR. Perhaps it is more correct to say that the implementation of economic reforms encountered stiff resistance from the entire political system. By 1987–1988 this became so obvious that the Soviet leadership was forced to announce the beginning of partial changes in this area. However, naturally, this meant a weakening of the position of the state apparatus, the entire layer of the Soviet nomenklatura, which did not want to part with its privileges. Therefore, carrying out reforms required breaking its hidden but stubborn opposition.

In an effort to find support, the reformist wing of the leadership decided to rely on the masses. It is these goals that explain the famous policy of “glasnost,” which was at first very limited and permitted, but then became increasingly bold and out of ideological control, becoming the basis of actual freedom of speech in the country. Active support from the masses truly allowed the process of democratization of the political system to begin. The main direction here was to increase the role of the Soviets, which meant the establishment of a clear division of functions between Soviet and party bodies, expressed primarily in the refusal of party bodies to perform economic functions. The highest body of Soviet power - the Supreme Council - was supplemented by the Congress of People's Deputies and turned into a permanent body. It was these measures that marked the beginning of the collapse of the political system of the USSR, since it was the party vertical that ensured the real functioning of the political system; Soviet bodies were a purely nominal power, and therefore were not ready to fulfill the powers entrusted to them.

Along with the collapse of the old model of power in the country, the gradual formation of the first elements of a new political system based on a multi-party system begins. The first socio-political movements developed within the framework of the CPSU itself, where both individual oppositionists (like B.N. Yeltsin) and entire groups (say, the “democratic platform”) began to appear. The first political groups outside the CPSU began to appear - the Liberal Democratic Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Interregional Deputy Group at the Congress of People's Deputies. The development of glasnost in the direction of increasing criticism of both specific authorities and the system as a whole caused a noticeable politicization of society and an increase in the popularity of radical movements. On the contrary, the decline in the authority of the CPSU and the growth of anti-communist sentiment in the country are becoming increasingly clear.

The polarization of political forces reached its highest development in 1990–1991, when the opposition managed to achieve the abolition of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution, which established the leading role of the CPSU in the state system, and impressive representation in a number of republican legislative bodies. In turn, the inconsistency and willingness to make concessions to M.S. Gorbachev caused dissatisfaction with him in the communist movement itself, in which the conservative direction was gaining more and more strength. Political demarcation left less and less opportunity for the leadership to pursue a balanced policy; it was necessary to constantly maneuver between the right and the left, ultimately satisfying neither one nor the other.

Growing political instability had a very negative impact on the socio-economic situation in the country. The curtailment of state production of alcoholic beverages brought down the budget to a significant extent. Gorbachev's ridiculous economic reforms sharply worsened the situation in the national economy, which was increasingly unable to satisfy the daily needs of the population, which led to a shortage of goods and the introduction of food stamps. All this intensified the crisis of confidence in the authorities. Strikes became a frequent form of manifestation of discontent, during which not only economic but also political demands were put forward. Mining groups showed particular activity in this regard. By the end of 1990, the political crisis, merging with the socio-economic and ideological, put on the agenda the question of choosing a future path.

This was facilitated by the weakening positions of the Soviet Union in the foreign policy arena. First of all, the crisis in the USSR led to the withdrawal of the socialist countries of Eastern Europe from it. The abandonment of the “doctrine of limited sovereignty” reduced the possibilities of control over them, which led to the defeat of those forces that advocated maintaining ties with the USSR. In turn, the collapse of the “Eastern bloc” sharply increased the orientation of the states that left it towards Western countries, up to the desire to join NATO. On the other hand, the line of gradual demilitarization pursued in the country (up to the almost panicked flight from Europe of the undefeated Soviet Army and unilateral disarmament), although it improved the image of the USSR and especially its leader in the eyes of the Western public, also had the consequence that it weakened the possibilities of influence Soviet Union on the international situation in the world. And the desire to improve the internal economic situation in the country by obtaining credits and loans from the West was a complete failure. Because of this, it was necessary to make serious, sometimes unjustified, concessions in foreign policy, which also undermined the prestige of the leadership in the eyes of the public. When Gorbachev left the post that Yeltsin, Kravchuk and Shushkevich “pulled” out from under him in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, no one regretted his departure. Perhaps none of the country's leaders suffered such a fiasco.

Was M.S. Was Gorbachev a conscientious but weak leader, or was there intent in his actions? Seeing his constant presence in the “global party” in subsequent years, one involuntarily thinks about the worst case scenario.