The title "Grand Duke of All Russia" at the end of the 15th century: the transformation of the early feudal monarchy into an autocratic one. Autocracy vs monarchy The term monarch is autocratic and unlimited

By the beginning of the 20th century, Russia remained an autocratic monarchy. The head of state was the emperor (king), who held the highest power in the empire. For centuries, the prerogatives of the monarch in Russia were based on customary law. Only in 1716, under Peter I, who abolished the patriarchate and the Boyar Duma and concentrated in his hands undividedly (absolutely) all the fullness of the supreme power, did a formal legal justification of the monarch's prerogatives appear. The Military Regulations “article” said: “His Majesty is an autocratic monarch who should not give an answer to anyone in the world about his affairs, but has his own states and lands, like a Christian sovereign, to rule according to his will and piety.” In 1720, when drawing up the Spiritual Regulations (plan for the reorganization of the Church), a lapidary norm was introduced into it, which read: “The power of a monarch is autocratic, which God Himself commands to obey.”
Throughout the 18th century, the definition of royal power remained unchanged, and in 1797, under Emperor Paul I, it was formulated as follows: “The Emperor of All Russia is an autocratic and unlimited monarch. To obey His supreme power is not only out of fear, but also out of conscience, God Himself commands. Later, this postulate became the first article of the first volume of the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. The wording remained unchanged until 1906, when a new (last) edition of the Basic Laws appeared. Until 1906, the fullness of tsarist power was not infringed either in fact or legally by any formal norms and public institutions. The situation did not change even after the creation of the Committee of Ministers (1802) and the Council of State (1810). The first was established as an administrative deliberative body of senior officials, and the second as the supreme legislative deliberative assembly of the Empire.
In itself, the use of the concepts of "autocratic" and "unlimited" in the law when defining royal prerogatives testified to their non-identity. Pragmatic critics of power of all stripes did not see any difference here. Meanwhile, it existed and was of a fundamental nature. The outstanding Russian lexicographer V. I. Dal gave two explanations for the word "autocratic". In the first case, as a government with full power, unlimited, independent of state councils or elected from zemstvos and ranks. All this defining series is really identical to the concept of "unlimited". However, Dahl also gives a second definition of autocracy - "this very power." It is here that the historical ontology of the old royal title, used in Russia since the 16th century, is concluded.
Its meaning was determined by the essence of the Orthodox worldview and was based on the conviction that the monarch is the Anointed of God, that he received power from the Almighty, rules by His grace, and "the heart of the king is in the hand of God." The mysticism of the Russian autocracy was inextricably linked with the teaching of the Orthodox Church about power and with popular views on the tsar as "God's bailiff".
At the same time, the concept of "unlimited" was a product of the time of Peter the Great, the era of the formation of the absolutist monarchy. It emphasized the social world order, where the power of the king is over everyone and for everyone. Essentially, the difference between the two definitions of royal power is the difference between the sacred and the earthly.
From the time of Peter I until the beginning of the 19th century, the principle of full-fledged, sovereign supreme power formally remained unchanged, however, the nature and essence of the supreme state administration under the last tsar, Nicholas II, had little in common with the Petrine era. If the autocracy of Peter I can be reasonably considered despotic (arbitrary), then by the beginning of the 20th century the situation looked different. The system has been changed. As before, the tsar retained the “God-given right” to any decisions, but all of them of any significance were taken only after a discussion (sometimes for many years) by a circle of officials at various levels. The most important ones were certainly discussed in the commissions of the State Council, and then - in the general meeting of the Council.
In the first half of the 19th century, under Nicholas I, legislation was codified, and in 1830 a single Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire (45 volumes) was published, and in 1832 a code of current legislation appeared - the Code of Laws of the Russian Empire (15 volumes). It included legal acts that regulated the personal rights and obligations of citizens, determined the class and social subordination, structure, organization and competence of all state and public authorities. These norms were obligatory, and the new law came into force only after the repeal of the previous one. Legislative provisions could be issued in the form of statutes, codes, charters, regulations, orders, manifestos, decrees, opinions of the State Council and reports, but certainly approved by the king. No law could have "its execution without the approval of the autocratic Power."
The most important general provisions of the state structure were recorded in the first volume of the laws of the Russian Empire - the Code of Basic State Laws, which determined the prerogatives of the supreme power, the structure and competence of the main general imperial institutions: the State Council, the Senate, the Committee of Ministers. This volume of the Fundamental Laws also included dynastic legislation - a collection of acts that constituted the so-called Institution of the Imperial Family. Russian dynastic law was one of the most strictly regulated in the world.
Royal power was, of course, hereditary, passed from father to son. The heir (cesarevich) became emperor immediately after the death of his predecessor. It was, so to speak, an earthly institution. But there was also a ritual of church consecration of royal power. Its necessity was stipulated by the law: “After accession to the throne, the sacred coronation and chrismation take place according to the order of the Orthodox Greek-Russian Church. The time for this solemn rite is appointed by the Highest discretion and announced in advance to the nationwide news. The ceremony always took place in the Assumption Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin.
The law also detailed the conditions for succession to the throne in the absence of direct heirs from the crowned bearer or the minority of the new ruler (it did not provide only for the possibility of the monarch's renunciation of power). The relatives of the monarchs constituted a special community - the Imperial family, the rights and benefits of which were discussed in detail. Children and grandchildren of male monarchs were called Grand Dukes and regularly received a special monetary allowance. They were obliged to enter only into equal marriages with representatives of other sovereign houses and always with the consent of the emperor. Persons of more distant degrees of kinship were called princes of imperial blood, and they were entitled to only a one-time cash payment upon adulthood and marriage. Female representatives, who were closely related to the emperor, were called Grand Duchesses (princesses) and retained the title of Grand Duchess even after marrying foreign princes and monarchs.
The Romanov dynasty, which had been on the throne since 1613, had close family ties with many monarchical houses in Europe. By the beginning of the 20th century, family unions included the largest sovereign houses: Great Britain, Germany, Holland, Greece, Denmark, Italy, Spain, Norway, Romania, Sweden. By this time, the royal dynasty consisted of about fifty persons. The closest family ties connected the last monarch Nicholas II with England (Hanoverian dynasty), Denmark (Schleswig-Holstein-Sondenburg-Glücksburg) and Greece (Schleswig-Holstein-Sondenburg-Glücksburg). At the beginning of the 20th century, the grandfather of the Russian tsar was the king of Denmark (Christian IX), his uncles (Edward VII and George I) were on the thrones in England and Greece, and the cousin of the queen, Wilhelm II, was the emperor of the German Empire.
Any statute became law in Russia only after the signature of the monarch. It could be put on a document after discussion (“expertise”) in the State Council, the Committee of Ministers, in special meetings of persons invited “at the discretion of the sovereign”, and without it. From the second half of XIX century the second happened extremely rarely. Unlike their ancestors, the last tsars - Nicholas I, Alexander II, Alexander III and Nicholas II - invariably faced the task of correlating new measures with the existing legal norms. Being, as it were, above the written law, they were shackled both by the letter of the existing legislative norm, and by the administrative tradition of the 19th century “to measure”, “discuss” and “coordinate”.
Under Nicholas I, the model of a hierarchical autocratic imperial system was finally formed, which began to take shape under Peter I and reached its peak in the second quarter of the 19th century. Using the terminology of N. M. Karamzin, it can rightly be called "liberal absolutism." The tsar, remaining a demiurge of law, was forced to act in a system of fixed normative coordinates. After the publication of the Code of Laws, for the first time in the history of Russian statehood, legal provisions appeared that outlined the social “rules of the game”, which only in the rarest cases were crossed by the supreme inspirer of law himself.
Since the middle of the 19th century, outside of private interests and issues (permitting marriage to relatives, issuing awards and subsidies, changing the measure of judicial or administrative punishment, appointment to a position), in national affairs it is difficult to find examples of the manifestation of the royal will that can be qualified as a personal whim of the ruler . If under Peter I and his great-grandson Paul I, “understanding”, dislike and rejection of the monarch could determine the state course, cause war, turn into a boon or disaster for many, could cause disgrace, deprivation of property, exile and even execution, then in later times the personal feelings and impulses of the king played less and less the role of an immutable political impulse. Social conditions changed, morals softened; the psychology of the rulers also changed. As early as the second half of the 18th century, the legal norms of social organization began to take shape in Russia. In 1766, under Catherine II, a provision appeared that remained in the legislation until 1917: "The Russian Empire is governed on the firm basis of positive laws, institutions and charters, emanating from the autocratic power."
It was then that the principle of continuity of written legal norms began to be established in state political practice. In her order to the members of the Legislative Commission, the Empress wrote: “The Commission should not begin to carry out its tasks before it is fully aware of the current situation in the country, because any change should in no case become self-sufficient, but should serve to correct shortcomings, when there are such shortcomings, but everything that is good and useful must be left and not changed, because it must always remain in force. By the end of the 19th century, the crowned descendants of Peter I were limited in their actions not only by the established managerial tradition, a factor of public opinion, but also by quite definite legal provisions relating both to the area of ​​dynastic prerogatives and to the sphere of civil law in general. Only a person of the Orthodox faith, belonging to the Romanov dynasty, who was in an equal marriage, could be a monarch. At the same time, an unlimited ruler was obliged at the time of accession to the throne to declare an heir in accordance with the law of 1797.
The autocrat was also limited by the management technology itself, by the procedure for issuing laws, by his own orders, the abolition of which required a special legislative act. He could not deprive of life, honor, property, class rights, did not have the right to impose taxes, was deprived of the opportunity to “get rich”, “benefit”, as they say, without leaving the throne. This required the issuance of a written order, properly executed. In other words, the oral order of the monarch was no longer law.
Along with the community and class structure, autocratic authoritarianism was the product of a complex historical process of formation, survival and strengthening of the state. Being titled an "empire" under Peter I, Russia was such, in fact, both before and after the modernizing tsar. The imperial fate of Russia was fundamentally different from many other empires in many ways. Russia was not a "colonial power" in the conventional sense. Its territorial expansion was not motivated by financial and economic aspirations, the search for markets for raw materials and sales, it did not have a division into “metropolis” and “colonies”, and the economic indicators of the development of outlying areas (“colonies”) were often much higher than those of regional zones. , which can be attributed to the historical center.
Strategic interests and territorial security are the main factors in the formation of the Russian Empire. It was the onslaught from outside that determined a lot in the social and political structure of Russia. In the 16th century, the Russian state fought for 43 years, in the 17th - 48, and in the 18th - 56 years. Even in the “peaceful” nineteenth century, the Russian Empire spent more than 30 years in wars. Having researched historical facts, the famous English historian A. Toynbee (1889−1975) stated: “It is true that the Russian armies also fought in the western lands, but they always came as allies of one of the western countries in their endless family quarrels. The chronicles of the age-old struggle between the two branches of Christianity, perhaps, really reflect that the Russians were the victims of aggression, and the people of the West - the aggressors much more often than vice versa. However, regardless of the reasons, ways and means of formation, the very fact of the emergence of a huge territorial complex inevitably gave rise to problems caused by the very nature of imperial existence.
Any empire is always a complex relationship of interaction and opposition of centrifugal and centripetal forces. The stronger the state ("empire"), the less influence of the centrifugal factor affects its policy. In Russia, the monolithic (“single-power”, “autocratic”) monarchical power invariably acted as the bearer, spokesman and implementer of the centripetal principle. Therefore, as soon as the topic of its political prerogatives arose, the question of the stability of the entire state imperial structure inevitably arose. The nature of the Russian empire hindered the development of polycentrism and regional autonomization. Monarchist Russia remained a hostage to its history.
Another ontological reason for the stubborn rejection by those in power of the idea of ​​constitutional government, based on the schedule of political functions and their division among various subjects of state law, was rooted in the sacred meaning of royal power. The tsar in Russia has never been "the first among others." He was married to the kingdom, entered, as it were, into a mystical marriage with the country, and the royal purples reflected the "light of heaven." For the beginning of the 20th century, such ideas were undoubtedly archaic. Nevertheless, they reflected not only the worldview of the monarchs themselves, but also the vast majority of their subjects. The religious (Orthodox) worldview endowed the king with a special halo that none of the other mortals had. It was here that the cause of those complex collisions that accompanied attempts to reform the supreme power in the liberal legal spirit was rooted. Every time such aspirations got in the way of an insurmountable obstacle: a religious authority that was not subject to reform.
Meanwhile, the problem of counteracting the liberal constitutional and legal reconstruction of Russia is often reduced to only local questions about the “short-sightedness” and “political short-sightedness” of the crowned bearers, about the selfish interests of individuals and social groups, leaving the national Orthodox mentality completely aside. This approach is a historical simplification.
By the beginning of the 20th century, Russia was still far from a universal legal state (in the understanding of political science and sociology of the 20th century), but the trend of humanization, legal support for social life and public administration throughout the 19th century (with all the difficulties and discontinuities) stood out quite clearly.

Emperor of All Russia, Empress of All Russia(Russian doref. Emperor of All Russia, Empress of All Russia) - the title of the monarch of the Russian Empire from 1721 to 1917.

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  The title of the All-Russian Emperor was introduced under Peter I. After the victory in the Northern War and the signing of the Treaty of Nystadt in September 1721, the Senate and the Synod decided to present Peter with the title of Emperor of All Russia with the following wording: “ as usual from the Roman Senate for the noble deeds of the emperors, such titles were publicly presented to them as a gift and signed on statutes for memory in eternal birth» .

  By the same act, the Fundamental Laws were supplemented with provisions that “more precisely delimit the area of ​​the inseparable power of the supreme state administration belonging to us from the legislative power”, describing the powers of the monarch (previously this was not necessary due to the unlimited nature of imperial power, see above). The emperor now exercised legislative power "in unity with the State Council and the State Duma" (Article 7). He approved the laws, and without his approval no law could have been done (v. 9); the emperor was assigned the right of legislative initiative - in relation to all laws and exclusive in relation to the revision of the Basic Laws (Article 8). The executive power in the country (“The power of administration in its entirety”) belonged entirely to the emperor, while in the “supreme administration” the head of state exercised it directly, and in matters of “subordinate administration” a certain degree of power was entrusted from him, according to the law, to the subject places and persons acting in his name and at his command (v. 10). In the order of supreme administration, the emperor issued, in accordance with the laws, decrees "for the organization and activation of various parts of the state administration", as well as orders necessary for the implementation of laws.

  The emperor was the supreme leader of all external relations between Russia and foreign states and determined the direction of the country's international policy (Article 12), declared war and concluded peace, as well as treaties with foreign states (Article 13). In addition, the emperor, according to Article 14, was the “sovereign leader” of the Russian Armed Forces, he had supreme command over all the land and sea armed forces of the Russian state and the exclusive right to issue decrees and orders “to everything in general related to the organization of the armed forces and the defense of the Russian state”, as well as the establishment of restrictions on the right to reside and acquire real estate in areas that constitute fortress areas and strongholds for the army and navy. The emperor declared areas under military or exclusive status (Article 15). He also owned the right to mint coins and determine its appearance (Article 16).

  According to Article 17, the emperor appointed and dismissed the chairman and members of the Council of Ministers, the chief administrators of individual units, as well as other officials, unless a different procedure for appointment and dismissal was established for the latter by law. In relation to employees, the emperor established restrictions caused by the requirements of public service (Article 18). He granted state awards and the rights of the state, and also determined the conditions and procedure for awarding state awards (Article 19).

  The emperor directly issued decrees and orders both in relation to his personal property and in relation to sovereign property (assigned not to a specific monarch, but to the emperor as head of state; such property cannot be bequeathed, go into division and be subject to other types of alienation) . Both those and other properties were exempt from taxes and fees (Article 20). As the head of the imperial house, the monarch, according to the Institution of the Imperial Family, was in charge of appanage property; he also determined the structure of the institutions and institutions under the jurisdiction of the minister of the imperial court, as well as the procedure for managing them. (Article 21).

  On behalf of the emperor, judicial power was exercised in the state (Article 22), he also had the right to pardon “and generally bestow mercy in cases of special, not subject to general laws, when this does not violate anyone’s legally protected interests and civil rights” (Art. 23).

  Article 23 of the Fundamental Laws provided for the fastening of the decrees and orders of the emperor by the chairman of the Council of Ministers or the subordinate minister or the chief administrator of a separate part and their promulgation by the Governing Senate.

  Sovereign title

  The full title of the emperor at the beginning of the 20th century (Art. 37 of the main Law):

  “By the grace of God, We, NN, Emperor and Autocrat of the All-Russian, Moscow, Kiev, Vladimir, Novgorod; Tsar of Kazan, Tsar of Astrakhan, Tsar of Poland, Tsar of Siberia, Tsar of Chersonis  Tauride, Tsar of Georgia; Sovereign of Pskov and Grand Duke of Smolensk, Lithuania,

  Accepted

  Constituent Congress

  Monarchist Party "Autocratic Russia"

  February 13, 2011, Moscow

  I. INTRODUCTION.

  The monarchist party "Autocratic Russia" unites citizens of monarchical convictions, supporters of the restoration of historical justice and the traditional sovereign moral government of the country.

  Russia must again become a great Empire, find its true historical face, turn to the thousand-year experience of Orthodox Civilization. The traditional formula "Moscow - the Third Rome" has been and remains a symbol of Russian conciliar statehood for all time.

  The history of our great country is inextricably linked with three fundamental concepts. For more than a thousand years, Russia was built on the basis of the Orthodox faith, by the labors of the Russian people, it was ruled by legitimate royal dynasties. At the same time, the people remained faithful to their sovereigns, supported Orthodox traditions and lived the life of their ancestors.

  The basic formula of national existence - Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Narodnost - was and remains to this day the only true formula of life, a defining feature of Russian and Russian identity. Its historical feature also lies in the fact that it did not contradict and does not contradict the national and religious identity of other indigenous peoples of Russia.

  The retreat of the pre-revolutionary upper strata of Russian society from the fundamental principles of Russian life turned into a spiritual and social catastrophe for the country and the genocide of the people. But even in the Soviet era, not everything was lost: the memory of their original did not cool down among several generations of Russian people who lived under the harsh pressure of communist ideology. The Soviet experience in many areas of life, as the experience of the struggle of the people for their national and spiritual existence, the experience of overcoming the god-fighting alien influence, cannot be forgotten. It contained a lot of valuable and significant things.

  The Russian people are a deeply monarchical, “tsarist” people, which was recognized even by the Bolsheviks, who argued that if the Whites put forward the slogan “For the Russian Tsar”, Bolshevism would not have lasted even ten days. After the fall of the monarchy, the distorted spontaneous monarchism of the people partly manifested itself in the "cult of personality" of leaders, general secretaries, and presidents. Even now, sociological studies show that a significant part of the Russian population is conscious or spontaneous monarchists. No social experiments have succeeded in eradicating its monarchical essence from our people. Therefore, without a doubt, the future Russia is an autocratic monarchical state.
  II. WHAT IS THE RUSSIAN CIVILIZATION WAY.

  BASIC PRINCIPLES

  2.1 Autocratic monarchical state

  The Orthodox Autocratic Monarchy in Russia has its own centuries-old history and its own spiritual and civilizational foundations, both in the character of the Russian people and in their religious ideas.

  According to St. Philaret, Metropolitan of Moscow, "God, in the image of His heavenly unity of command, established a Tsar on earth, in the image of His omnipotence - the Autocratic Tsar, in the image of His imperishable kingdom, lasting from age to age - the Hereditary Tsar."

  Russian autocracy is a synonym for the concept of "strength and independence", guaranteed imperious sovereignty. It means the independence of the power of the Russian Tsar from any other power, both outside the borders of Russia and throughout the Russian land. The legal fiction of the "separation of powers" is one of the manifestations of the "great lie of our time" (K.P. Pobedonostsev). It only masks the true source of power - private interest or secret organizations. True power is one, it either exists or it does not.

  The Tsarist Autocracy is the source of laws, administration and justice, "royal law" and at the same time a royal duty, a royal duty. The hereditary nature of the royal power puts it above political, class and estate interests, makes it unstained in the social struggle and intrigues. The king initially does not need to "make a career." The succession to the Throne is determined by the law bestowed at the source of the Kingdom. Eliminating whenever possible any element of “election”, “desire” on the part of the people and on the part of the Sovereign himself, the dynastic idea makes the personality of the Tsar a living embodiment of that moral ideal, the supremacy of which the nation itself has set over itself. The sovereign simultaneously possesses all the power of this ideal, and is himself completely subordinate to it.

  The Tsar is anointed to the Kingdom by a special church rite performed by the Orthodox Church. The state does not impose the Orthodox faith on all its subjects by force, does not force them to confess it, but does not give it up for desecration.

  The symphony of the Tsar and the Church is expressed in the fact that the laws of the state are in agreement with the Law of God, and the Tsar is the Supreme Guardian of the Orthodox Church, the protector from external and internal threats, the guardian of the purity of the Orthodox dogma. The church prays conciliarly for the Tsar. The king takes care of the Church. At the same time, as the White Tsar, the All-Russian Monarch provides Supreme patronage to the traditional religions of Russia.

  2.2. People's Cathedral State

  The state-forming people of Russia is the triune, currently divided, Russian people - Great Russians, Little Russians (Ukrainians) and Belarusians. Rusyns, Cossacks, Siberians, Pomors and other sub-ethnic groups with their own subcultural characteristics are integral facets of the Russian people, in which the diversity of the Russian world is manifested. Also, all the indigenous peoples of Russia, who for many centuries lived shoulder to shoulder with the Russians, are in no way belittled, full-fledged subjects of the Sovereign. Ethnic discrimination against the indigenous peoples of Russia, humiliation of national honor and dignity is a serious crime.

  The rights and obligations of Russian citizens are inseparable unity. There are no rights without responsibilities and no responsibilities without rights. The rights and obligations of people and social groups can be different and differently filled with content, depending on their type of activity and participation in state building, state service.

  The state makes sure that the good qualities, skills and abilities of people, their professional knowledge and experience in all areas of activity are passed on from generation to generation, from father to son.

  The state, that is, the Sovereign's business, by definition, cannot be narrowly class or estate - it is above classes and estates and acts as an arbiter in their possible disputes, moreover, the Tsar is the Supreme arbitrator. Hence its leadership. judiciary standing above the prosecution and the defense in an adversarial process. In autocratic Russia, the state does not persecute a person, but creates truth and mercy.

  The state is unitary, but flexible in its regional forms of organization. Local self-government is separated from state administration, develops on the basis of local historical and national traditions and can take any form - zemstvo, soviets, Cossack circle, church communities, kurultai, etc. Representatives of the indigenous peoples of Russia in their relations with each other can be guided by the norms of their national cultural traditions.

  The highest advisory and legislative body of the country is the Council of the Whole Earth (Zemsky Sobor), convened by the Tsar on the principle of comprehensive representation of layers and groups of the population. Vowels (delegates) of the Zemsky Sobor are elected from professional groups and unions and from the lands that are part of the Russian State.

  2.3. welfare state

  Social justice is the basis of the state and public life of autocratic monarchical Russia. Private property, according to the monarchical worldview, is neither "sacred property" nor an absolute evil. Responsibility before God and the state is firmly connected with it. It should be considered as a "legal obligation" - the right of ownership, obliging the owner to use it for the benefit not only of himself, but also of his neighbor, society as a whole. Rich people are obliged to help the poor, invest in science, culture, education, medicine, and do charity work. Wealth is not a virtue, and poverty is not a vice, and vice versa.

  The basis of the stability of society and the independence of the state is large-scale ownership of the means of production, predominantly or wholly owned by the state. This applies to certain areas, objects and types of property that are of the greatest importance for the existence of the state and the well-being of the people.

  The monarchy does not treat the economic field dogmatically, the attitude to different forms of ownership is determined, first of all, by the expediency and efficiency of their use. However, pragmatism cannot spread to the earth as such. The earth is God's and Sovereign's. At the same time, land use can take any form: for example, lifelong possession and use of land with the right to inherit, but without the right to sell. Or lease with ownership of products, fruits and income from land use. The latter also applies to the bowels of the earth, forests and reservoirs. Strategic sectors should also be in state ownership: energy, nuclear, space, aviation, heavy, military-industrial complex. Fundamental science, advanced medicine, forecasting and combating natural disasters, environmental protection and other costly industries that are directly related to national, national interests and security issues also fall under the primary jurisdiction of the Sovereign and the state.

  On the contrary, the sphere of light, food and local industries, the service sector, agriculture, part of mechanical engineering and instrument making, oriented towards the end consumer, allow for the whole variety of forms of ownership - state, cooperative, private, etc. Such traditional Russian forms of organization deserve special support. labor, as a partnership and an artel (production cooperative) ...

  Education - from elementary school up to and including graduate school – should be public, free and accessible. The same goes for medicine. Teachers, teachers, educators, doctors should receive decent wages and access to professional development. In parallel, private educational and medical institutions may exist in the country for those who wish to use them.

  The restoration of autocracy in Russia is inextricably linked with the restoration of its complete independence from international financial centers and usurious interest, which suppress economic life in the country. Ultimately, this means overcoming financial globalism. Lending in Russia should gradually become state-owned, including for private businesses, and, ultimately, interest-free. Financial and tax identification should not offend religious feelings, just as the accounting of the population and its economic activity should not bear the features of totalitarianism and submit to external centers to the detriment of the independence and defense of the state.

  The most important social and national task of the state is to take care of saving and multiplying the population of the people and, above all, the state-forming Russian people who suffered from the genocide in the 20th century. The national and moral nihilism of the communists and liberals has brought the Russian people to the brink of annihilation. A monarchy based on religious precepts, millennia-old traditions and family and tribal principles, on the primacy of the Head of the Family, husband and father, on the duties of a wife and mother, on hereditary succession from parents to children, is an ideal for establishing the way of life of the whole people. The Royal Family is a prototype that inspires the strong and strengthens the weak. The State's concern for the material well-being and employment of young families should be combined with a firm ban on abortion and abortive contraception, a ban on any propaganda of immorality, an out-of-family lifestyle and perversions.

  III. HOW WE SEE THE POLICY OF THE MONARCHIC STATE

  3.1. Russia as a geopolitical center and the task of reuniting the triune Russian people

  The Russian land is located both in Europe and in Asia, and the Russian people are both European and Asian, having created their own original Russian civilization on the largest territory in the world. Russia is the geopolitical center of the Eurasian continent, the intersection of all its strategic and economic ties, the “core land”. At the same time, the Russian State throughout its history was forced to resist aggression both from the West and from the East. This is where the traditional role of reliable defense comes from: the requirement for high readiness of all branches of the ground forces, air, navy and intelligence in the history of Russia, their role in the near future, due to the growing instability in the world, should be even more strengthened.

  One of the main tasks of the future autocratic monarchical Russia is the voluntary reunification of the temporarily divided triune Russian people under the scepter of the Russian Tsar. In the future, it is possible to accept the citizenship of friendly peoples who voluntarily wish to live with us in one state, which will contribute to the restoration of historical borders.

  Russia's closest allies should be, on the one hand, the Orthodox countries of Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece and Christian Armenia. On the other hand, the peoples of Europe and Asia, such as Germany, France, Italy, Iran, and India, are culturally connected with us.

  Neighboring China is emerging as one of the first states in the world. Here the situation is contradictory, especially if we take into account the demographic growth of China and the weak population of Russian eastern lands. The rapid and decisive rise of Siberia and the Far East, the strengthening of our eastern borders is a priority task and a categorical imperative for the coming decades. At the same time, Russia should strive for friendship and alliance with the great eastern neighbor.

  The Russian monarchy will inevitably be committed to the principles of peace and respect for the sovereignty of all nation-states. In the context of globalization imposed on the world, the Monarchist Party "Autocratic Russia" considers as its allies those political forces abroad that advocate the preservation of the independence of their states and their own original national and cultural path of development.

  3.2. The state and the spirit of the people

  Monarchic statehood has nothing to do with totalitarianism. It does not allow the suppression of the freedom of spiritual and cultural development of the individual, but legislatively restricts those manifestations of individual freedom that contradict the rights of the people to live according to their national customs and moral standards.

  Freedom is a gift from God and does not involve global standardization. On the contrary, history has shown that Western democracy, absolutizing the ideas of freedom, leads to its degradation, reduction to the freedoms of various "minorities" and destructive communities that make cultural and moral revolutions that destroy the individual, society and state in order to achieve the criminal selfish goals of individuals and groups. .

  The autocratic monarchy, in accordance with the law of God, historical tradition and the Monarch's concern for the well-being of his subjects, gives preference to the rights and freedoms of the people as a whole, labor communities, estates, large religious and cultural groups over the rights of an individual or a minority, cut off from their native soil, national and spiritual roots, not recognizing moral norms and folk traditions.

  With the liberation of the people's spirit from the press of the dominant communist ideology, one lack of freedom was replaced by another - the dictatorship of the financial oligarchy, which put the individual and society in the humiliated position of bankrupt. This led both to the degradation of independent and creative thought, sciences and arts, which today are on the verge of destruction or almost destroyed, and to the degradation of industry, crafts, culture and health of the population, to the need to choose between miserable service to mammon and extinction.

  Only the Autocratic Monarchy, with its cultural historical roots, paternal character, Orthodox world outlook, spiritual responsibility and strategic thinking, is able to get rid of financial slavery and return the spiritual and personal dimension to culture. The combination of the sovereign "grand style" of monarchical culture at the state level and the widest variety of freedom of personal and collective creativity in the field of sciences, arts and crafts at the public level is a real way out of cultural degradation and a guarantee of the future revival of the Russian and other peoples of Russia, and, consequently, and the path of uplifting the national spirit, the path of revealing its gigantic creative potential.
  3.3. Domestic politics

  The strategic goal of domestic policy is to maintain the stability of society and the state, to maintain their internal strength and resistance to any destructive influences of an ideological, religious, political or other nature. The strategic objectives of Russia's domestic policy should be:

  A) Restoring the manageability of the state and society. Combating corruption and any attempts by public servants to satisfy their selfish interests at public expense. Strengthening discipline in the system state power.

  B) Creation of all necessary conditions for ensuring the political, spiritual, informational, economic and military sovereignty of Russia.

  C) Creation of conditions for the reproduction and growth of the population with the restoration of the demographic potential of the Russian people, who suffered in the twentieth century from state Russophobia and genocide.

  D) Strengthening the state unity of the country, suppression of separatism in all its forms.

  E) Development of mechanisms for a harmonious combination of the powers of local self-government with the prerogatives of the central government.

  E) Ensuring a decent level of social protection of the population.

  G) The fight against crime, including the elimination of ethnic gangs and the complete cessation of illegal and destructive migration.

  Russian citizenship (citizenship) should be a high honor for a person living in Russia. The acquisition of Russian citizenship by persons who have come to Russia to live and do not have ancestral roots in Russia is possible only after a long period of adaptation and proof of loyalty to the state and the Russian people on the part of the citizenship applicant. Dual citizenship is not allowed.

  All forms and types of property, including foreign property, must be protected by the state, provided that the owners do not violate Russian laws.

  At the same time, in order to ensure the national sovereignty of Russia, the share of foreign capital, direct or indirect foreign investment in Russian enterprises should be limited by the threshold of economic security, determined based on the state of the economy and international relations. For objects and industries of strategic importance, the participation of foreign capital is not allowed.

  Russia stops further colonial use of its mineral resources. (The export of unprocessed raw materials will mainly be phased out). It is necessary to take measures to prevent the export of capital from Russia (primarily through offshore companies). The wealth of Russia's subsoil, its forest and water resources, energy and transport networks and the military industry, as well as the industries that provide it, should primarily (with rare exceptions) belong to the state treasury and serve the people of Russia, and not private individuals or transnational corporations. The return of the most profitable industries under state control will provide the necessary and sufficient funds for industrial modernization.

  Every citizen of Autocratic Russia will be guaranteed the right to:

  A) full free medical care;

  B) free secondary and, with the necessary abilities, higher education;

  C) decently paid work (according to specialty);

  D) modernly equipped housing;

  D) legal and physical protection against any encroachment on his person or property.

  Each citizen will be guaranteed an old-age or disability benefit in an amount not lower than the real subsistence level.

  Any propaganda of immorality and norms of life that are contrary to Russian traditions will be prohibited on the territory of Russia.

  Every citizen is guaranteed freedom of religion. The activity of foreign sects in Russia is prohibited.

  A state monopoly is introduced on the production of alcoholic beverages and tobacco products. Their sale is limited. There is an active struggle for a sober lifestyle up to the introduction of the “dry law”.

  The activities of Russian, foreign, international organizations and individuals aimed at reducing the birth rate, "sexual education" of children and adolescents, and interference with the traditional rights of the family and parents are prohibited. Attempts of this kind of activity, no matter who they come from, will be prosecuted as a criminal offence.

  The death penalty is introduced for terrorism, illegal production, possession and distribution of drugs, for rape and seduction of minors, for high treason.

  Laws against corruption are being tightened, and a special all-Russian department is being created to fight corruption and embezzlement, combining the functions of people's control and secret intelligence services. The Criminal Code returns punishment for corruption in the form of confiscation of property of both the corrupt official and members of his family (including property located outside the borders of Russia).
  3.4. Foreign policy

  Russian society must clearly understand and protect its national interests. Only criminal indifference to one's own Fatherland can give rise to a weak-willed following of the Russian state in the wake of American or European, or other regional or globalist policies.

  Russia cannot afford this even under the threat of war.

  At the same time, the main objectives of foreign policy should be:

  A) Provision favorable conditions to solve the internal problems facing the country. Hence the first requirement for foreign policy - it must be peaceful. However, peace can be maintained only with military force.

  B) Restoration of the Russian state within its natural boundaries. Active assistance to the gradual voluntary return of Belarus and Ukraine to a single power.

  C) Ensuring the strategic interests of Russia in the territory of the former USSR. The former Soviet republics should not become a source of threats to our security or conductors of influence hostile to Russian interests.

  D) Revival of close friendly relations with Russia's traditional, primarily Orthodox and Slavic, partners. The return of the role of the leader of the Slavic world and the universal patroness of Orthodoxy to Russia.

  E) Ensuring good neighborly relations with all continental neighbors, regardless of their ideological, religious and political orientation.

  E) Reduction of Russian participation in any international organizations to the level of the necessary minimum. A categorical refusal to assist any attempts by any interstate associations (be it the UN, OSCE, NATO, IMF, WTO or others) to form any supranational structures of control and management.

  The Russian State has no other way than to follow its own thought-out national strategy, since no other state or group of states has those historical tasks that are set before Russia by the Providence of God. The basis of this strategy should be the principle of “reasonable isolationism” and the concept of sovereignty arising from it: political, military, informational, cultural, scientific and technological, energy, raw materials, financial, food and economic independence of Russia, based on its own significant resources, intellectual and spiritual strength and creative energy of our people. In this sense, any “strategy of globalization”, no matter in whose interests they try to impose it on us, cannot be considered by Russia otherwise than an attempt on the Russian autocracy.

  Russia's foreign policy should be part of its own national strategy and under no circumstances can and should not become self-sufficient or determine Russia's national development. Participation in international organizations should be considered as a means of achieving certain strategic goals and is possible only on condition that it does not contradict the basic principles of the national strategy. The provisions on the priority of international law over national law should be reconsidered.

  The Russian state pursues a policy of peace and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and has the right to demand the same attitude towards its own sovereignty.

  The national interests of Russia, as well as the life and health of its law-abiding subjects in Russia and abroad, are protected by all means of the Russian state and are priorities in foreign and domestic policy.

  Renouncing aggressive claims, in all international conflicts Russia must maintain "armed neutrality", backed by a military potential sufficient to use it as an instrument of foreign policy.

  The state provides patronage to Russian communities abroad and, first of all, in the countries of the Near Abroad.
  3.5. The Russian army, aviation and navy and their role in the state

  Our Army and Navy have great historical traditions and rightly bear the name of the invincible. The victories of Russian weapons have always been based on the spiritual superiority of Orthodox warriors, their personal heroism and courage, the ability to give their lives for the Faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland. At the same time, our Army and Navy traditionally had talented and brilliant commanders, excellent combat skills, the best weapons that were forged in the rear, by all the people, to protect against enemies.

  The Russian Army and Navy have always served the cause of protecting the Faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland, and not aggression and the seizure of foreign lands, and if used abroad, then only to save brothers in faith and to fulfill allied obligations related to the security of our state.

  The Russian Army has always been respected by the people and united with the people, since it never used mercenaries and consisted of soldiers, sailors and officers, many of whom were from the people.

  The Russian Army and Navy always began their work with prayer and carried over them banners and banners with images of the Lord Jesus Christ and the saints of God, enlisting the great help of God in the defense of the Orthodox Fatherland. That is why the Russian Army and Navy have been and remain unsurpassed in history as the destroyers of foreign and heterodox pride.

  The revival of the Suvorov and Ushakov spirit and military traditions of the Russian Army and Navy is the basis of Russia's security in the conditions of the modern aggressive encirclement of the country.

  Funding of the Army and Navy at the necessary and sufficient level, including the rearmament program, should be a priority item in the Russian budget and strictly implemented, in accordance with the laws of war. The State Bank of Russia is obliged to credit military research and development carried out in accordance with government-approved plans for the development of weapons, without interest and without fail, on time.

  The planned system of state orders should ensure the development, production and reliable operation of new modern types of weapons. The Russian Armed Forces must, above all, be equipped with the latest and most effective weapons.

  The Russian Army and Navy are being transformed according to the traditional type. The spiritual education of personnel, the service of military priests, military and field churches are being introduced. Military formations are named after the Saints with the presentation of Banners. The military oath is taken on the Gospel with the kiss of the Cross (for Muslims on the Koran, for other faiths - according to their traditional ritual).

  Defense of the Fatherland is a sacred duty and an honorable duty of every Russian citizen. Therefore, every Russian male citizen in peacetime performs military service in the Russian Army and Navy or at military-industrial complex enterprises. Non-fulfillment of military duty is possible only for health reasons or for persons with limited or impaired rights.

  An officer of the Russian Army and Navy is an honorary title, which means belonging to a privileged class, provided with everything necessary for supporting a family, a full life and successful service in peacetime and wartime. The privileges of officers in society are not discussed, because they are based on a tax in blood, which, under oath, every officer is obliged to give to the Fatherland during the war. Any attempt to discredit an officer's rank or military uniform on the part of civilians or military persons is severely punished by law.

  A soldier, including a recruit, is a servant of the sovereign and a servant of the Fatherland. Therefore, any crimes against the personality of military personnel are prosecuted as an attack on the personality, rights and dignity of the sovereign's servants and are severely punished.

  Preparation for military service begins at school. The issuance of a certificate of secondary education is subject to the completion of the initial military sports training included in the compulsory school curriculum.

  A military invalid is an honorary title, it guarantees a secure standard of living for a soldier who has been injured on the battlefield or has failed due to age.
  3.6. Land and village revival

  Land is the main material wealth of the state and people. The earth is a great gift of God, and therefore it is a national shrine. It requires service and care. The earth is the breadwinner of the people. In our time, all over the world people fight and die for the land, just as our pious ancestors died for the land. The earth not only nourishes the body, but also creates the soul of the people. We have sinned too much against the Mother Earth and the peasant. And this is one of the main reasons for our extinction.

  For more than 70 years the Communists fought against the countryside and the village. They closed rural churches, carried out "dispossession", "decossackization", "collectivization", enlargement, resettlement and destruction of "unpromising" villages. The Liberal Democrats, in their turn, had a hand in devastating the countryside.

  Now, on the site of the former villages, a semi-desert has formed. At the same time, many cities are overpopulated. We are dependent on foreign suppliers for food, although we have a lot of uncultivated, abandoned land. This trouble is the punishment for godless and heartless government. Only repentance and a change in attitude towards the earth and the person on it will give us fertile fruits: fertility, beauty, prosperity. It is necessary to realize the origins of what happened and to love the earth and the person working on it. This is only possible for the state for which God is love. Land today is one of the main little-demanded resources of Russia, the foundation of its future prosperity. In Russia, it is necessary to create a variety of environmentally friendly agricultural production, the generous fruits of which can not only fully provide food for our people, but also become a significant part of exports.

  The construction and revival of a village with good economy, Orthodox culture and modern agricultural technology is the most important task of the monarchical state.

  The land in Autocratic Russia belongs to the Sovereign. It is under the control of the state and is transferred for private inherited or collective use only to Russian citizens who cultivate it or organize labor on the land, or lease it for a limited period. The sale of land, its transfer as a gift and pledge is prohibited, but the sale (assignment) of the rights to use the land is allowed with payment of the costs incurred by the user. In case of inefficient use of land, it can be withdrawn and transferred to other users or tenants. This procedure must be carried out in a judicial manner. In case of termination of land use, it is returned to the state treasury with compensation to the user or the state for the difference between the value of the returned land and the land that was given (taking into account changes in condition and buildings).

  Given the fact that agriculture throughout the world today is subsidized, peasant farms and communities will be exempt from all types of taxes and will be credited by the state for the expansion of agricultural production at a minimum interest rate or subsidized. The products of domestic agricultural producers will receive priority in all trade enterprises. Any imposition of mediation by criminal gangs or officials who impede the free market trade of peasants and peasant cooperatives will become a criminal offense and will be punished by law.

  For Russian citizens who wish to return to the land and have passed the appropriate psychological and social checks, agrarian courses are organized and subsidies are allocated (for the construction of modern housing and the acquisition of the necessary agricultural implements).

  Russian settlers from neighboring countries will receive state benefits and material support in a preferential manner if they choose to live in the countryside and rural labor.

  The construction and material support of the infrastructure of the village: schools, shops, first-aid posts, rural hospitals, communications and roads in rural areas at the first stage should be undertaken by the state

  3.7. Culture and Information

  Artistic culture and modern mass information are spiritually forming factors in the development and social education of the citizens of the Russian state. Therefore, the state and society do not have the right to be indifferent to their content.

  From ancient times in Russia, artistic culture was Orthodox in its content. The best and great works of Russian culture carried moral guidelines, taught the understanding of love, beauty and achievement as forms of spiritual perfection. This is how she became famous all over the world.

  However, today the national culture has been ousted from the life of the younger generation by the invasion of pseudo-culture, which has anti-Christian values ​​and goals. Liberal pseudo-culture, using the media, spreads the spirit of depravity, violence, the cult of pleasures and the cult of the "golden calf", occultism, Russophobia and anti-patriotism, which destroys and corrupts the personality. As a result of these influences, child and youth crime, rape, prostitution, sexual perversion, family breakdown and drug addiction, drunkenness and suicide are growing. The media, which are in the hands of Russophobes, have become a satanic tool for the destruction of our people.

  In this regard, the following large-scale state measures will be taken in the first place in the field of mass media and culture:

  · Cessation of distribution in Russia of video, audio and printed products that are contrary to morality, traditional values ​​of the Russian and other indigenous peoples of Russia. Legislation will introduce moral control over the media, the Internet, publishing houses and trade enterprises. They will mercilessly fine and revoke licenses of all violators of legal requirements. For malicious violations, journalists and media owners will be held criminally liable.

  Adoption of a state program to support traditional Russian culture as well as the culture of other indigenous peoples of Russia: classical, modern and folk, the introduction of a state order for the creation of patriotic works of art of various genres that glorify Russia and its people, the heroes of historical and modern battles for the Faith, the Tsar and the Fatherland .

  · Providing targeted state financial support to those private and public media, whose work corresponds to the spiritual, moral and patriotic tasks of the national revival of Russia and our people, the strengthening of the Russian state.

  · Reconfiguring the entire work of the state media to creative activities to revive the monarchical consciousness in society, high spirituality, education and culture, traditional moral values ​​and patriotism.

  3.8. Youth upbringing and education

  Education must regain its original meaning, which comes from the root “image”. Man is created in the image and likeness of God, therefore education is the acquisition of the image of God, spiritual, spiritual, intellectual and physical perfection. This visual ideal should be at the forefront of the "educational process".

  Today, school and higher education has in mind completely different goals that do not even correspond to those announced: the creation of a “tolerant” and successful, that is, completely adapted to modern world with its consumer values ​​of a person who has no national, religious or cultural attachment to his own country, but who successfully masters the global pseudo-culture and knows how to "make money".

  The modern education system trains godless cadres of narrow specialists who are incapable of creative work as a moral duty and a spiritual process.

  Traditional domestic upbringing education has completely different approaches to shaping the personality of a young person, is both universal and patriotic, considers it its main duty to teach a person to live and work in Russia and for Russia, to teach a responsible attitude to their own actions and the actions of others, responding to the needs and problems neighbor, teach Service, instill a taste for self-improvement, make a convinced bearer of such high moral values ​​as Duty, Conscience, Faith, Honor, Loyalty, Love.

  In autocratic Russia, the Law of God and the fundamentals of Theology will be taught in schools and universities, so that there will be no spiritually ignorant people left in the country. The upbringing and education of the personality of a subject of Autocratic Russia, instilling in her the traditional values ​​of love for God, the Tsar and the Fatherland will become the business of not only the school, university or college, but of the whole society, all the media, cultural institutions and institutions of power.

  3.9. Economy, labor, economy

  The strategic goal of the Russian economy should be to meet the urgent material and spiritual needs of the people, current and future generations, to ensure the independence of the state, to increase the population and improve the quality and standard of living of the people.

  Citizens of Russia have the necessary opportunities to live in comfortable and beautiful homes, in a comfortable ecological environment, eat whole foods, breathe fresh air, drink clean water and wear good clothes and shoes. Since ancient times, Russians have been able to work creatively fruitfully and create high-quality products when the state did not interfere with them. We have not forgotten how to do it even now.

  Citizens of Russia should have a free choice of the place and nature of labor activity and a level of remuneration sufficient to meet the necessary vital needs. For this, our country has enough resources: spiritual, material, cultural and intellectual. All these resources must be carefully and lovingly disposed of.

  The Russian state is responsible for the well-being of the peoples inhabiting our country. As a public-cathedral state, it all the more has long-term obligations for social security, demographic policy, and support Agriculture development of free education and health care, the development of fundamental science, environmental protection, the protection of order and the maintenance of defense at a sufficient level, etc. As a result of these enduring tasks, the state needs significant state property that allows it to quickly manage resources, concentrate them on priority directions, carry out innovative transformations, invest in long-term scientific, technical, cultural, educational or other social projects that do not give immediate returns.

  State property in Russia has been, is and will be a stabilizing factor of national and public security, guaranteeing sustainable economic growth and solving problems that require the mobilization of resources. In particular, this is directly related to the task of modernizing the economy, providing innovative potential for a scientific and technological breakthrough.

  At present, after the mercenary liberal privatization, which plunged the economy into a crisis, urgent nationalization of enterprises is needed in a number of industries.

  Getting out of the systemic crisis in a historically short time requires the adoption of a unified state program that affects not only macroeconomic indicators, but also the details of economic relations.

  To solve the strategic tasks of development in the field of the economy and the life support of the country, the state order should be strengthened and partially (within the expanding public sector) centralized planning and distribution of resources should be restored. At the same time, state-owned enterprises participate in market relations on the same rights as joint-stock, private or cooperative ones.

  Especially, given the importance of the problem, a program for the restoration and development of agriculture and the formation of the food base of Russia, the saturation of the market with environmentally friendly goods of domestic producers, should be adopted, provided with resources and implemented.

  Mixed property, including a percentage of the state, is eliminated through nationalization and is no longer created (as a permanent source of corruption).

  Taxes should be levied differentially, depending on the nature of the main activity of enterprises and the direction of product sales. Domestic producers, especially those producing children's goods and foodstuffs, should enjoy significant tax incentives.

  Income taxes on individuals should be levied on a progressive scale (from 0 to 50 percent) depending on the level of income. Received additional funds go to support the social sphere and help the poor.

  Honest, highly productive and high-quality work for the benefit of our Fatherland should receive signs of public respect and be highly paid. The minimum wage in Russia (with a full working day) should not be lower than the real subsistence level.

  The right to work is ensured by the state through the active implementation of a system of measures to create new jobs, free retraining of citizens, encouragement of small private entrepreneurship and other means.

  The systemically important banks of the country are being nationalized.

  Any speculation (exchange, currency, banking, trading), as a way of unjustified enrichment, the creation of materially unsecured financial volumes and the withdrawal of social benefits, is stopped, including by imposing restrictions on the rate of profit. Compliance with this condition must be monitored by a special state supervisory authority.

  Banking licenses should be renewed only for those banks that are actually involved in lending and investing in domestic producers.

  In order to ensure the stability of the national currency and stop the uncontrolled export of capital, the free circulation of foreign currency in Russia is terminated. All foreign exchange transactions must be carried out only through state-owned banks at the official rate.

  Small and medium-sized domestic entrepreneurship in the productive sector, creating new jobs and expanding the market for goods and services, at the initial stage of its activity (two years) is exempt from all types of income taxes, uses a state loan with a low interest rate, and, after two years enjoys tax benefits.

  Producers of socially significant products enjoy tax benefits compared to resellers.

  Housing construction under social programs, overhaul and maintenance of housing and communal services are financed by the state and carried out on the basis of state orders on the basis of tenders by both private enterprises and special state enterprises (at the choice of residents). Activities are suppressed intermediary organizations in this domain. The state is responsible for the quality of construction and the state of housing and communal services, heating and energy networks, water supply, etc.

  The issuance of export licenses for the export of raw materials is made dependent on the saturation of the domestic market. First of all, goods produced in Russia should be available to our citizens, and then sold abroad. The export of strategic raw materials from Russia will be possible only with the special permission of the Government.

  NOTE: All the measures we have described are only proposals to the future monarch and the monarchical government appointed by him. They reflect our ideas about the correct form of government, but in no way constrain the Highest Will and are intended only to express our expectations. Among the proposals there are obvious and there are those that can and should be discussed. The latter is the business of future advisers to the Monarch and the Government of Autocratic Russia.

  IV. HOW TO PRACTICALLY RESTORE MONARCHY

  4.1. Our ideology and the choice of the people

  The monarchist party "Autocratic Russia" considers it its first and initial task to explain the essence of the monarchy through the media. We must dispel the false ideas about the monarchy created by the Bolsheviks and liberals, and explain that the Sovereign is not a "representative of the landowners and capitalists", but the Supreme Arbiter and father of his subjects, standing above classes and estates, that the monarchy is compatible with any economic structure, except anti-national and unfair, that the Autocratic Monarch is the guarantor of the freedom of our people in the conditions of total globalization and cultural and religious leveling.

  At the same time, the Monarchist Party "Autocratic Russia" will explain to those in power that endless service to the "golden calf" will not give them a guarantee of a calm future, and that only the revival of the monarchy will enable those of them who are ready to honestly serve the Tsar and the Fatherland to find the stability and prosperity they seek their children. Monarchists are in favor of social justice, but, unlike the left and far right, they are against social revenge.

  The monarchist party "Autocratic Russia" should explain that only autocracy is a guarantee of the integrity of the country and the absence of separatism. All other bonds that arose throughout the republican history of Russia - from "party control" to the "presidential vertical" turned out to be shaky. At the same time, the monarchy provides genuine local self-government and, in fact, meets the aspirations of the keepers of local traditions and ways.

  4.2. National referendum

  A nationwide referendum on the transition to a monarchical form of government may be, according to Art. 135 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, held if 3/5 of the deputies of the State Duma and members of the Federation Council vote for it. The incumbent Head of the Russian Federation can also initiate a discussion of this issue in the Federal Assembly at any time. According to the same Art. 135 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, a referendum on the issue of changing the foundations of the constitutional order of Russia can be replaced by a Constitutional Assembly, the decisions of which will have the same legal force.

  4.3. Zemsky Sobor

  If a referendum or the Constitutional Assembly decides to restore the Monarchy, then in the absence of the current unconditional Heir to the Russian Throne, who meets all the requirements of the Law of 1797 on Succession to the Throne and the Imperial Family, the issue should traditionally be decided by the Zemsky Sobor.

  The monarchist party "Autocratic Russia" believes that it should be clearly understood: the Zemsky Sobor does not elect the Tsar "democratically" and "voting", but reveals the will of God, that is, conciliarly determines which of the applicants is pleasing to God as the Sovereign of Russia and, therefore, can take the Russian Throne.

  The Zemsky Sobor traditionally includes the current leaders of the state and the Consecrated Cathedral of the Russian Orthodox Church represented by the Council of Bishops, representatives of the white clergy and monasteries. As well as representatives of the Armed Forces, lands and cities, local self-government, the Cossacks, associations of entrepreneurs and workers, trade unions, public organizations, representatives of the traditional religions of the peoples of Russia and noble worthy honored personalities in Russia.

  The Zemsky Sobor must be preceded by a predetermined fast and services. For the entire duration of the Council, entertainment events must be suspended. The decision of the Zemsky Sobor should be, after a comprehensive and free discussion, adopted by the general consent of all participants, unanimously.

  The beginning of the Zemsky Sobor may be preceded by the work of the Pre-Council Meeting with the participation of representatives of the State, the Church, the Armed Forces, the public, all interested persons and organizations, religious associations, etc.

  After the end of the Zemsky Sobor, the entry of the Tsar to the Kingdom and his Holy Wedding and anointing to the Kingdom, the Russian State will finally move to an autocratic-monarchical form of government and subsequent Fundamental Laws, including laws on dynasty and succession to the throne, will be adopted by the Monarch after their discussion and development by the Zemsky Sobor or its divisions.

  If the Monarch decides to stop political activity in the country in the form of parties, the Monarchist Party "Autocratic Russia" will announce self-dissolution.

  V. CONCLUSION

  OUR ACTIONS IN NORMAL AND EMERGENCY CIRCUMSTANCES

  The monarchist party "Autocratic Russia" is not guided by the principle "the worse, the better" and does not seek to restore the Monarchy at any cost. The benefit of Russia is that people's lives are more important to us than our programs. We believe that Monarchy, as an idea that saves Russia, should grow organically and naturally, just as faith in God grows when it is needed. It must overcome the cliches of centuries of anti-monarchist propaganda, borrowed political and ideological heaps. Therefore, our refusal to strive for a violent change in the state structure of Russia is not opportunistic, but fundamental. All the more so is our upholding of the territorial integrity of Russia, even within the borders of the Russian Federation.

  The restoration of the autocratic monarchy is possible and desirable on the way out of the crisis of the democratic system, which is intensifying today, entering a new phase. Many modern problems, from our point of view, are generated by the system created in Russia after 1991 and cannot be solved within the framework of liberal democracy. Therefore, our main task in normal circumstances is to expand public support for the idea of ​​restoring autocracy, to promote the peaceful evolution of public opinion and state structures towards a monarchical way of life, to preserve and protect the rule of law, and to support the Russian Orthodox Church.

  However, at present, it cannot be ruled out that as a result of the activities of external hostile forces, the betrayal of a part of the political class of the Russian Federation, the activities of terrorists or separatists, or as a result of a systemic crisis, including a global one, emergency circumstances will occur, the consequences of which will be difficult to predict. Under these conditions, the Monarchist Party "Autocratic Russia" will be ready, in alliance with all those who cherish the Motherland, its independence and integrity, regardless of their political and ideological positions, to act responsibly depending on the developing situation. We believe that even in the event of emergencies and the introduction of emergency measures of government, the further restoration of the Autocratic Monarchy through the convening of the Zemsky Sobor will be the only consistent, historically proven and effective way to overcome the turmoil. Thus, no matter how the circumstances develop, the Monarchist Party "Autocratic Russia" is ready in every possible way to promote Russia's exit on its historical path.

  The monarchist party "Autocratic Russia" is open to cooperation with all forces, government and opposition, state bodies, political parties, religious and public organizations, individuals, with everyone who cares about our country and its future.

  For Faith, Tsar and Fatherland!

  § 20 Autocracy

  The state structure of the Russian Empire is determined by two articles of the Fundamental Laws: the first and the forty-seventh. Art. 1 defines the properties of the power held by the monarch. “The Emperor of Russia, it says, is an autocratic and unlimited monarch. “To obey His supreme authority, not only out of fear, but also out of conscience, God Himself commands.” Three properties are indicated here: supremacy, autocracy, unlimitedness. The designation of the power of the monarch as supreme shows that he possesses the highest irresponsible power in the state, as is the case in every monarchy. Autocracy and unlimitedness show that all the fullness of power in our country is concentrated in the hands of the monarch. Art. 47 indicates that the exercise of the autocratic power of the Russian Tsar is carried out according to the principle of legality. "The Russian Empire is governed on the solid foundations of positive laws, institutions and statutes, emanating from the Autocratic Power." The autocracy that exists in our country differs from a limited monarchy, legality - from despotism, where the place of law is replaced by the unrestrained personal arbitrariness of the ruler.

  Autocracy has been established in Russia for a long time. Even those who see in it a beginning brought to us from the outside, from the East or from Byzantium, and not originally developed among us, attribute its establishment to the era of the Tatar yoke, or at least not later than the 16th century. But the sub-article references of Art. 1 Main Zach. do not ascend further, as before the 18th century. This is explained, firstly, by the framework with which the compilation of the Code of Laws was furnished. The legislative material used by its drafters was limited to 1649. Legislative acts that appeared before the Cathedral Code of Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich were not taken into account at all. Secondly, it was not easy to find a general formulation of such a primordial beginning of Russian state life as autocracy in separate decrees of a relatively late era. I had to look for in the decrees an accidental expression for all the indisputable principle. And those legalizations that are indicated by the compilers of the Code as sources of Art. 1 Main Zak., do not quite correspond to the importance of the beginning expressed in it. The source of the second part, pointing to the religious consecration of autocratic power, was the spiritual regulation, namely that place (part I, paragraph 2), where, as proof of the superiority of the collegiate structure for church government, it is indicated that even autocratic monarchs cannot do without advisers. “The power of monarchs is autocratic, which God Himself commands to obey for conscience; both have their advisers, not only for the sake of a better truth of exaction, but so that rebellious people do not slander that this or it is more powerful and according to its whims than the Monarch commands with judgment and truth ”(P. S. 3., No. 3718, h I, item 2, p. 316). The first part of Art. 1, which actually establishes the beginning of autocracy, has as its sources the Military Article of 1716, the Naval Charter of 1720, the manifesto of Anna Ioannovna of 1730 and the Establishment of the Imperial Family of 1797. Of all these legislative acts, only the manifesto of Anna Ioannovna contains a general expression of the beginning of autocracy, because, of course, she alone had to oppose autocracy to an attempt to limit it on the part of the leaders. “Our faithful subjects, it says in this manifesto, all unanimously asked Us that We be the Autocracy in Our Russian Empire, as Our ancestors had from ancient times, deigned to accept” (P.S.Z., No. 5509, Feb. 28). The Military Article and the Naval Charter, which literally repeat each other, do not actually speak of autocracy, but of autocracy and, moreover, in an explanation of why the death penalty is imposed for lèse majesté (P. S. Z., No. 3006, art. 20 interpret., p. 325 and No. 3435, part V, art. 2 interpretation, p. 59). “For His Majesty is the Autocratic Monarch, who should not give an answer to anyone in the world about his affairs, but has his own states and lands, like a Christian sovereign in his will and goodwill to rule.” This is an unfortunate and nowhere else in your legislation is the expression: "autocratic", as can be seen from the German text of the article, is used there in the sense of "sovereign" (ein souveräner Monarch). Finally, the Establishment of the Imperial Family, § 71, speaks only of the relationship of the monarch to members of the Imperial family. “With all these advantages, it is an inviolable pledge for each of Our family to have perfect respect, obedience and allegiance to the King, a uniform and peaceful attitude in maintaining family peace and harmony. The reigning, as if unlimited, Autocrat, in any other case, has the right to renounce from the one appointed by Us. (P.S.Z., No. 17906, § 71, p. 585). If, nevertheless, the compilers of the Code put in the first place a reference specifically to the establishment of the Imperial family, then this is probably due to the fact that in this one act there is a combination of definitions adopted in the Code: autocratic and unlimited.

  The comparison of the words: autocratic and unlimited, as it were, indicates that the legislator wanted to designate two different properties of power with them. Expression § 71 Const. Imperial the surname “unlimited autocrat” seems to suggest that there may be an autocrat and a limited one. Indeed, Speransky in his Guide tried to give these words a different meaning. Two words, he says, very meaningful, express in our laws the fullness of the supreme power: autocracy and unlimitedness. The word autocracy has two different meanings. When it is attached to the state, it means the independence of the state from any outside power. In this sense, all independent states can be called autocratic states. When it is applied to the person of the sovereign, it means the union of all the elements of sovereign law in their entirety without any participation and separation. The word unlimited power means that no other power on earth, correct and legal power, either outside or inside the empire, can place limits on the supreme power of the Russian autocrat. So, judging by the form of presentation, Speransky distinguishes between autocracy and unlimitedness. But in terms of content, he defines them in such a way that these concepts coincide. In fact, “the combination of all the elements of sovereign law”, obviously, cannot mean anything else, like the fact that there is no other power that would limit the suit of the monarch. Following the example of Speransky, Gradovsky and Romanovich-Slavatinsky also try to distinguish between autocracy and unlimitedness. Romanovich-Slavatinsky repeats in essence the words of Speransky. Gradovsky draws this distinction somewhat differently. The name "unlimited", in his opinion, shows that the will of the emperor is not constrained by certain legal norms placed above his power. The expression "autocratic" means that the Russian Emperor does not share his supreme rights with any establishment or estate in the state, i.e., that each act of his will receives binding force regardless of another establishment.¹* However, even in such a definition, autocracy and infinity merge into one. The existence of "legal norms placed above the will of the monarch" is possible, of course, only under the condition of "separation of supreme rights between him and other institutions."

  Comparison of articles of the first and second Osn. Zach. shows that the legislator himself did not attach a strictly defined meaning to the expression “unlimited”. Art. 2 decides that when the inheritance of the throne reaches a woman’s person, then the same power belongs to the Empress as to the Emperor, but at the same time this power, instead of “unlimited and autocratic”, is called “supreme and autocratic”. Since this is the same power, then, obviously, "unlimited" and "supreme" in the language of the Code are synonyms. From this it must be concluded that, defining the power of the monarch as autocratic, unlimited, the Code of Laws does not denote by these words its various properties, but for greater clarity it defines the same property in two unambiguous words.

  Autocracy has, as Speransky himself rightly pointed out, two different meanings: it means both the external, international sovereignty of the state, and the internal indivisibility of the power of the monarch. The first officially adopted the name, autocrat Ivan III, and then, as Klyuchevsky notes, not without reason, it indicated precisely external, international sovereignty, external independence. In this sense, autocracy was used at the very end of the 18th century, as can be seen from the above agreement between Catherine II and Tsar Heraclius II. When this agreement says that Tsar Heraclius does not recognize any other autocracy over himself, the shelter of the power and patronage of the empress, then, obviously, autocracy is used here not in the sense of absolutism, but precisely in the sense of sovereignty. But, on the other hand, even Ivan the Terrible interprets autocracy precisely in the sense of the undivided concentration of all the fullness of state power in the hands of the monarch, when he remarked to Kurbsky: “What is the name of the autocrat when he does not build himself?” Autocracy is used in this sense both in the manifesto of Anna Ioannovna on February 28, 1730, and in Catherine's Order, Art. 9: “the sovereign is autocratic, for no other power than the power united in his person can act akin to the space of only a great state”, and in the manifesto on April 29, 1881: “The voice of God commands us to become cheerfully in the cause of government with faith in the truth Autocratic power, which we are called upon to establish and protect for the good of the people from any encroachments on it. In this sense, the word is now used in everyday speech. Without a doubt, in the Code of Laws, autocracy does not mean the external independence of power, but its internal indivisibility.

  So, it should be recognized that the concept of autocracy encompasses the concept of unlimitedness, in the sense of concentrating in the hands of the monarch all the fullness of state power. If the main Zach. along with autocracy, he also mentions the unlimitedness of power, only for greater clarity. Otherwise, unlimitedness could not be omitted in the definition of the power of the Empress, in everything equal to the power of the Emperor.

  Addition . Article 4 of the current Fundamental Laws (code of laws, vol. I, part I, ed. 1906) decides: “The Emperor of All Russia has the supreme autocratic power. God commands us to obey his authority not only out of fear, but also out of conscience.” From a comparison of this text with the text of the former Art. 1 of the Fundamental Laws, it is clear that in new feature The power of the All-Russian Emperor omitted the sign of unlimitedness and preserved the signs of autocracy and supremacy. As for supremacy, from the point of view adopted by N. M. Korkunov, it is not a decisive moment for concluding that one form or another of the monarchical system exists in Russia. On the contrary, this decisive moment should be considered the disappearance of the epithet “unlimited” from the characterization of imperial power, which follows from a comparison of articles 4, 7, 10, 11 and 86 of the fundamental laws.

  According to their meaning, the Sovereign Emperor exercises legislative power in unity with the State Council and the State Duma; no new law can follow without the approval of the State Council and the State Duma and take effect without the approval of the Sovereign Emperor; decrees and orders in the order of supreme administration are issued by the Sovereign Emperor in accordance with the laws, while in matters of administration of a subordinate, a certain degree of power is entrusted to the subject places and persons from the Sovereign Emperor in accordance with the law. Thus, the power of administration, exercised either independently by the Sovereign, or by authorization from him and in accordance with the law by other bodies of the state, turns out to be subordinate to a different, higher form of manifestation of state power, called legislative power; and this latter can no longer be carried out independently by the Sovereign and presupposes the joint actions of the monarch, the State Council and the State Duma. Therefore, the beginning of unlimitedness, or, according to the interpretation of N. M. Korshunov, the concentration of all power in the hands of the monarch, could not be preserved in the resolutions of the fundamental laws on the essence of the Supreme Autocratic power. And if the Emperor of All Russia and is currently called the unlimited Autocrat in the Institution of the Imperial Family in Art. 222 St. Law, vol. I, part I, ed. 1906, it is clear both from the content of this article and from the place it occupies in the system of fundamental laws that it refers to the power of the reigning Emperor over the members of the Imperial House.

  Under these conditions, although the power of the Sovereign Emperor is still called autocratic, autocracy in the modern state system of Russia cannot be understood as a principle equivalent to unlimitedness. The Sovereign Emperor, under the action of the new fundamental laws, is a limited or, according to the established and commonly used expression, a constitutional monarch, and the state system of Russia is a system of a limited or constitutional monarchy. The beginning of autocracy must therefore be given a different interpretation. Most often it is interpreted as meaning the external international sovereignty of the state, that is, as it, according to N. M. Korkunov, was sometimes understood until the end of XVIII century.

  Notes:

  ¹* Gradovsky. Beginnings I, pp. 1 and 2, (Collected Works, vol. 7).

  ²* Klyuchevsky. Boyar Duma, 2nd ed. 1883, p. 258.